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GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. 



Professor PennelVs Text- Books, 



HISTORY OF GREECE, from the Earliest 
Times down to 146 B.C. lGmo. Cloth. $0.75. 

HISTORY OF ROME, from the Earliest Times 
down to 476 a.d. 16mo. Cloth. $0.75. 

THE LATIN SUBJUNCTIVE. A Manual 
for Preparatory Schools. - 16mo. Sewed. 

$0.30. 



John Allyn, Publisher, Boston, Mass. 



ROME, 



FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES 
DOWN TO 476 A.D. 






COMPILED BY 



R. F. PENNELL, 

PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN PHILLIPS EXETER ACADEMV. 



-oo>^<oo- 








BOSTON: 
JOHN ALLYN, PUBLISHER. 

1876. 

Oh 



/otyf 



Copyright, 1876, 
By John Allyn. 



y%^ 



CAMBRIDGE: 

PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON. 









P K E F A C E. 



HHIS book is intended to be a companion to 
my History of Greece. It is compiled chiefly 
from Mommsen and Niebuhr. For the entire 
history, from the Battle of Actium, and for por- 
tions previous to that date, I am indebted to Dr. 
D. F. Wells, whose assistance I was obliged to 
ask on account of press of duties. 



R. F. Pexneli 



The Phillips Exeter Academy, 

10 July, 1876. 



GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. 



INTRODUCTION. 

ITALY is a long, narrow peninsula in the southern 
part of Europe, situated between the 88th and 
46th parallels of North Latitude. It is 720 miles long, 
from the Alps to the southern extremity of Bruttii ; 
and 830 miles broad in its widest part, i.e. from the 
Little St. Bernard to the hills north* of Trieste. Its 
area is about the same as that of the State of Nevada ; 
viz., 110,000 square miles. 

Italy is bounded on the north and north-west by the 
Alps ; on the east by the Adriatic ; on the south by 
the Mediterranean ; and on the west by the Tyrrhe- 
nian sea. It may be divided, for convenience' sake, 
into Northern, Central, and Southern Italy. 

Northern Italy included Liguria, Gallia Cisalpina, 
and Venetia. The chief towns of Liguria were Genua 
(Genoa), Nicaea (Nice), and Asta (Asti). The chief 
places of Venetia were Patavium and Aquileia. Gal- 
lia Cisalpina contained many flourishing cities. Among 
these, south of the Padus (Po), were Ariminum (Ri- 
mini), Bononia (Bologna), Mutina (Modena), Parma, 
Placentia, Ravenna ; north of the Padus were Augusta 
Taurinorum (Turin), Cremona, Ticinum (Pavia), Me- 
diolanum (Milan), Mantua, and Verona. 



2 GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. 

Central Italy, 

separated from Northern Italy by the rivers Rubicon 
and Mucra, included Etruria, Latium, and Campania 
on the west, Umbria, Picenum, and Samnium on the 
east. Of the many cities of Etruria, the following will 
be mentioned : Arretium, Caere, Cortona, Clusium, 
Faerii, Faesuhe, Pisae, Veii, and Volaterrae. 

The most important city of Latium was Rome. In 
Campania were Capua, Cumas, Herculaneum, Neapolis, 
Pompeii, and Salernum. 

In Umbria were Iguvium, Sentinum, and Spoletium. 

In Picenum, Ancona, and Asculum. 

In Samnium, Beneventum. 

Southern Italy 

included Lucania and Bruttii on the west ; Apulia and 
Iapygia (or Messapia) on the east. The chief towns 
of Lucania were settled by the Greeks : they were 
Heracleia, Metapontum, Pandosia, Sybaris, and Thurii. 

In Bruttii were Croton, Locri, and Rhegium. 

Apulia, the most level of the countries south of the 
Rubicon, was a rich and fertile plain, well watered. 

The chief places were Arpi, Canusium, Cannae, and 
Venusia. 

In Iapygia were Tarentum and Brundisium. 

The mountains of Italy consist of two chains, the 
Alps and Apennines. The former separate Italy on 
the north and north-west from the rest of Europe, 
ranging from 4,000 to 15,000 feet in height, and with 
but few passes. The highest peak in this range is Mt. 
Blanc. The Apennines are merely a continuation of 
the Alps, and extend down through the whole length 



GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. 3 

of Italy. The volcano of Vesuvius, so famous, is in 
Campania. 

The plains of Italy are small, with but two exceptions : 
the plain of the Padus (Po), from 100 to 150 miles in 
width on either side of that river; and the plain in 
Apulia, mentioned above. There are small plains in 
Etruria, Latium, and Campania. 

The rivers of Italy are very numerous. The largest 
river is the Padus, of about 400 miles in length, and 
draining most of Northern Italy. 

Its chief tributaries on the north are the Ticinus and 
Mincius ; on the south, the Trebia. 

Other rivers, emptying into the Adriatic, are the 
Athesis (Adige), Rubicon, Metaurus, Aternus, and Au- 
fidus ; emptying into the Tyrrhenian sea are the Arnus, 
Tiber, Liris, and Volturnus. 

There are many lakes in Italy ; but we shall mention 
only the Alban Lake, Lake Regillus, and Trasimenus. 

The islands about Italy are very important. 

Sicily (about 10,000 square miles, might be compared 
with New Hampshire in size) is triangular in shape, and 
for this reason called often by the poets Trinacria (with 
three promontories). It contains many important cities, 
as Syracuse, Agrigentum, Messana, Catana, Camarina, 
Gela, Selinus, Egesta (or Segesta), and Panormus. 

Sicily is mountainous. The highest mountain is the 
volcano ^Etna (10,700 feet). 

Sardinia is of about the same size as Sicily. Corsica, 
directly north, is considerably smaller. Between Cor- 
sica and the mainland of Italy is the small island of 
Ilva (Elba) ; Igilium, off Etruria ; Capreaa, in the Bay 
of Naples ; Strongyle (Stromboli) and Lipara, north 
of Sicily ; also the ^Egates Insulae west of it. 



IAPYGIANS AND ETKUSCANS, 



CHAPTER I. 

The Early Inhabitants of Italy. 

So far as we know, the primitive inhabitants of Italy 
were divided into three races ; viz., the lapygian, Etrus- 
can, and Italian. 

The Iapygians were the first to people Italy. They 
came probably from the north over the Apennines, and 
were pushed south by later immigrations. 

The colonies planted in early times by the Greeks 
on the southern coast of Italy possessed a superior 
civilization to that of the Iapygians, and was produc- 
tive of a gradual improvement among them, until, 
finally, we lose sight of the old inhabitants as a dis- 
tinct race, their language and customs becoming ab- 
sorbed by their more polished colonists. 

The Etruscans, at the time when Roman history 
begins, were a powerful and warlike race, far superior 
to the Latins in civilization and the arts of life. The 
origin of this people is a matter of controversy, and 
will probably never be known. Their dominion, at the 
period of highest prosperity, extended from the Alps 
as far south as Lucania, concentrating its strength 
chiefly in twelve cities, between the rivers Arno and 
Tiber. 



THE ITALIANS. 5 

In this region most of the monuments of Etruscan 
art have been found. 

At an early period (according to Roman traditions, 
in the sixth century b.c.) the Etruscans were expelled 
from the valley of the Po by the less civilized Gauls, — 
a race of the Celtic stock, from whom, in Roman times, 
the valley of the Po derived the name of Gallia Cisal- 
pina. 

The Italians were of the same common ancestry as 
the Hellenes, their forefathers having come from one 
Aryan race, who lived, long before recorded history, 
somewhere in the western part of Central Asia. 

While the Hellenes w^ere settling in Greece, the 
Italians pushed further west, and passed over the 
Apennines into Italy. 

At this time, the Italians had made considerable ad- 
vance in civilization. They understood, to some de- 
gree, the art of agriculture ; the building of houses ; 
the use of "wagons and of boats ; of fire in preparing 
food, and salt for seasoning it. They could make out 
of copper and silver various weapons and ornaments ; 
also, the husband and wife were recognized, and the 
dividing of people into clans (tribes). 

That branch of the Italians known as the Latins in- 
habited a plain which is bounded on the east and south 
by mountains ; on the west by the Tyrrhenian sea ; on 
the north by the high lands of Etruria. 

This plain, called Latium, — comprising a district of 
only 700 square miles (one-half as large as the State 
of Rhode Island), with a coast of only fifty miles, with 
no good harbors, — is watered by two rivers, the 
Tiber, and its tributary, the Anio. Hills emerge here 
and there ; as Soracte in the north-east, and the pro- 



6 THE LATINS. 

montory of Circeium in the south-west ; Janiculum, 
near Rome ; and the Alban range further south. 

The climate is made unhealthy during the summer 
months by the malaria, which prevails to a great extent. 

The soil is fairly productive. 

The neighborhood of the Alban mountains is the 
healthiest part of Latium, and best adapted for a strong- 
hold ; and so it was here, naturally, that the Latins 
built their first town, Alba. 

Afterwards, many other towns sprung up, as Lanu- 
vium, Aricia, Tusculum, Tibur, Praeneste, Roma, Lau- 
rentum, Lavinium, &c. 

All these towns were at first politically independent 
of one another, i.e. each was governed by a prince of its 
own, and a select body of elders and warriors wdio 
acted as advisers to the prince. 

The inhabitants of these towns or. communities (30 
at first), owing to their common origin and interests, 
soon formed a perpetual league, and chose Alba, as the 
oldest town, to be the head of the league, and the 
place for all the peojDle of Latium to assemble annu- 
ally, and offer sacrifice to their common god, Jupiter 
(Latiaris). 

Thus the Latins preserved their individual independ- 
ence, and at the same time, by having this common 
centre for meeting at stated periods, and celebrating 
their festivals, laid the foundation of that national 
union which, in after ages, became so powerful. 



CHAPTER II. 
The Romans and their Early Government. 

We have learned the probable origin of the Latins ; 
how they settled in Latium, and founded numerous 
towns. We have also taken a cursory glance at their 
manner of government. We shall now examine more 
particularly that one of the Latin towns which was des- 
tined soon to outstrip all her sisters in prosperity and 
power. 

Fourteen miles from the mouth of the Tiber, the 
monotonous level of the plain through which the river 
flows is broken by a cluster of hills rising to a consid- 
erable height, around one of which once settled a tribe 
of Latins called Ramnes (gradually changed to Ro- 
mans). 

We have no means of ascertaining when this settle- 
ment was formed ; tradition says in 753 b.c. In all 
probability it was centuries earlier. 

The district included in the township of Rome at 
this time did not exceed 115 square miles. 

The people were divided into thirty districts (curiae), 
and each district into ten clans (gentes). 

The chief ruler was a king, holding office for life, 
whose duties were to command the army, to perform 
certain sacrifices, and to preside in the Senate. 

This body was a council of elders, who advised the 
king, and at his death directed the government until 
his successor was elected from their own body. 



8 DIVISIONS OF THE PEOPLE. 

The original inhabitants assembled by districts 
(curiae) from time to time, and were called the Comitia 
Curiata. This assembly alone had the power to change 
the laws, declare war or peace, and confirm the election 
of kings made by the Senate. 

The original founders of Rome and their direct 
descendants were called the Patricians, who formed a 
class distinct from all others, jealously protecting their 
rights against all intruders. 

Attached to the Patricians was a class of people 
called Clients, who, though personally free, had no civil 
rights (i.e. could take no part in the government), and 
were obliged to assist the Patrician to whom they were 
bound, in every way. In return, the Patricians gave 
them their support, and looked after all their interests. 

There were also the Slaves, who were the mere prop- 
erty of their masters, and could be bought or sold at 
pleasure. 

By the side of these three classes (viz. Patricians, 
Clients, Slaves), there gradually grew up another class, 
composed of the former inhabitants of conquered states 
and others who had fled to Rome for refuge. 

This class, called Plebeians (multitude), the very 
name of wiiich shows their numbers, belonged to 
no " district " or " clan," but were personally free, and 
allowed to own property and engage in trade. 

The Plebeians were constantly increasing, and, as 
numbers give power, began to demand more rights. 
This demand was met by the so-called Servian reform 
of the constitution, the addition of a new assembly 
called the Comitia Centuriata, into which the Ple- 
beians were admitted as citizens, and the whole popu- 
lation ranked according to property. 



THE C0MIT1A CENTUR1ATA. 9 

At the same time, all were called upon to serve in 
the armies, which service had been before performed 
by the Patricians. 

The whole population was now divided into six 
classes, according to their property. The several 
classes were subdivided into 193 "centuries," each 
" century " representing the same amount of property. 

The people thus classified met from time to time on 
the Campus Martius, a plain outside of the city, and 
voted upon subjects coming under their jurisdiction. 

In this assembly, called, as stated above, the " Comi- 
tia Centuriata," each " century " had one vote, and its 
vote was decided by the majority of the individual 
voters. 

The tendency of this system was to give to the wealthy 
the whole power; for, since each "century" repre- 
sented the same amount of property, the " centuries " 
in the upper or richer classes were much smaller than 
those in the lower or poorer classes, so that a majority 
of the centuries might represent a small minority of 
the people. 



CHAPTER III. 

The Consuls and Tribunes. 

In the previous chapter, we learned something about 
the early government of the Romans. 

This form of government, called the regal form, 
lasted for two or three centuries ; but the abuse of the 
regal power led to the abolition of a monarchy ; and 
in the place of one king, w T ho held his office for life, 
two consuls were elected annually from the Patricians, 
each of whom possessed supreme power, and acted as 
a salutary check upon the other ; so that neither was 
likely to abuse his power. 

In great emergencies, a person could be appointed 
by one r of the consuls, to have authority over all others, 
called the Dictator, whose tenure of office never ex- 
ceeded six months. 

It was at this time (about 500 B.C.) that the Comitia 
Centuriata, explained in the previous chapter, came to 
be a very important assembly of the people, super- 
seding in a measure the Comitia Curiata. 

All appeals in criminal cases were brought before 
this assembly ; in it magistrates were nominated, laws 
adopted or rejected. 

We have seen how the system of voting in the Comi- 
tia Centuriata left the power practically in the hands 
of a few of the wealthy. Yet this assembly was a gain 
for the Plebeians, as property was its basis ; for many 



THE PATRICIANS AND PLEBEIANS. 11 

Plebeians were very rich, and could take precedence 
of Patricians of less property. 

Moreover, the Senate, which heretofore had con- 
sisted solely of Patricians, now admitted into its 
ranks a number not belonging to the nobility, called 
Conscripti, who, however, were not on the same foot- 
ing as the old members, not being allowed to take part 
in debates or to hold magistracies. 

In the Senate thus constituted, the nomination of all 
magistrates made in the Comitia Centuriata was con- 
firmed or rejected. Thus it had control of the election 
of the consuls (whose duties, we must remember, were 
those of supreme administrators, judges, and generals, 
though every Roman citizen had a right to appeal from 
their decision to the Comitia Centuriata, in cases in- 
volving life). 

Two subordinate officers, chosen from the Patricians, 
were appointed by the consuls, called Quaestores, whose 
duties were to manage the finances under the direction 
of the Senate. 

The result of all these changes was that, although 
the Plebeians were admitted to a voice in the govern-' 
ment through the Comitia Centuriata, yet the Patricians 
became more exclusive than ever, having, as they did, 
the control of the elections of the Consuls and Quaestors, 
and since all the sacred priesthoods were filled from 
their ranks. 

This government, resting, as far as the Plebeians 
were concerned, upon a property basis, led to the 
amassing of a large amount of landed property by sin- 
gle individuals, and the crushing of the smaller land- 
owners. The rich land-owners also increased their 
wealth immensely by " farming " the public revenues ; 



12 THE PATRICIANS AND PLEBEIANS. 

i.e., the Roman State would let out to them, for a good 
round sum, the collecting of all import duties and other 
revenues. They, in turn, would manage by extortion 
to enrich themselves very rapidly, and thus acquire 
great power. Hence only the wealthy Plebeians, 
with the Patricians, had any voice at all in the govern- 
ment. The rights of all the rest were utterly disre- 
garded. 

These became more and more oppressed, and only 
wanted a good opportunity to rise and remonstrate 
against their hard lot. They were much better off, 
they thought, under the old regal government ; then 
they could make a tolerable and even comfortable liv- 
ing ; then they were allowed to enjoy the public past- 
ure ; and, whenever new lands were conquered, portions 
of them were always assigned by the state to the poor 
for occupation ; taxes then were not oppressive, nor 
were they obliged to sell or mortgage all they had, and 
even give up their own persons into slavery, to satisfy 
the demands of their creditors. They did not then see 
hundreds of their companions thrown into prison, be- 
cause unable to pay their debts. 

It is not strange, therefore, that they became uneasy. 

The opportunity for rebelling against this unjust and 
cruel oppression was soon offered. Rome was hard 
pressed by a neighboring state, and needed extra men 
to defend her honor. One of the consuls liberated all 
who were confined in prison for debt, and, through their 
aid, the danger was averted. 

Upon the return of the army, the other consul in- 
sisted upon enforcing the law for debt, and confined 
again all who had been set free, although they had done 
such good service for their city. 



FIRST SECESSION OF THE PLEBEIANS. 13 

The next year Rome was threatened with the same 
danger. Again the prisoners were called upon to de- 
fend their city ; but, remembering the reward of the 
previous year, they refused at first, and only consented 
finally when the higher authority of the Dictator was 
exercised. 

Again, the Romans were victorious ; but the idea of 
a second time being thrown into chains was so unen- 
durable to the soldiers, that, when they arrived near 
their city walls, they deserted the general, and, march- 
ing in martial order to a hill near by, occupied it, 
threatening to found a new city in this the most fertile 
part of Latium, unless their oppressors were willing to 
make some concessions. 

The Patricians and richer Plebeians saw that a rec- 
onciliation must be brought about, or their own ruin 
would be the result. Thus the seceders carried the 
day, and returned to the city. 

The name of " Sacred Mount " was given to this hill 
by the Plebeians. 

The results of the secession were felt throughout all 
Roman history, and marked a truly sacred era in the 
history of the common people. 

A law was now passed that the Plebeians should 
choose annually from their own body two officers, 
called "Tribuni Plebis," who should look after their 
interests, and have the power of vetoing any action 
taken by any magistrate in the city. 

For many years the Consuls and Tribunes repre- 
sented, in a measure, opposing interests. The former 
had a positive power ; i.e., the power of commanding : 
the latter only a negative power ; i.e., that of forbid- 
ding. The latter had a more unlimited sway ; for the 



14 THE CONSULS AND TRIBUNES. 

Consul was obliged to submit to any veto from him, 
while the Tribune never submitted to the Consul at all 
within the city. But, outside of the city walls, the 
Tribunes had no authority ; and when the consuls as- 
sumed command (imperium) of the armies, their actions 
could be restrained in no way ; also the Dictator, whose 
authority was of a military character, and exercised 
outside of the city, could not be interfered with by the 
Tribunes. 

Two subordinate officers, chosen annually from the 
Plebeians, called ^ESdiles, held nearly the same position 
in reference to the Tribunes as the Quaestors to the 
Consuls. 

They had special charge of the temple of Ceres, and 
derived their name from aedes (temple). In this tem- 
ple were deposited for safe keeping all the decrees of 
the Senate. 

The -ffidiles also assisted the Tribunes in the per- 
formance of their various duties. 

These two offices, the result of the secession, were 
filled every year by elections at first held in the Comi- 
tia Centuriata, but afterwards in an assembly called the 
Comitia Tributa, which met now inside and now out- 
side of the city walls. 

This assembly was composed chiefly of Plebeians, 
who voted by tribes (hence the name tributa = com- 
posed of tribes), each tribe being entitled to one vote, 
and its vote being decided by the majority of its indi- 
vidual voters. 

Measures passed in this assembly were, at first, not 
binding upon the people at large ; but, as we shall see, 
became soon as important as those passed in either the 
Comitia Centuriata or Curiata. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Decemvirate. — Second Secession. « — Valerio- 
Horatian Laws, Licinian Rogations, Horten- 
sian Law. 

The aim of the Patricians was now to lessen the 
power of the Tribunes in every way possible ; that of 
the Plebeians, to restrain the power of the Consuls, and 
extend that of the Tribunes. Party spirit ran high ; 
even hand-to-hand contests took place in the streets 
of Rome. Many families left the city, and settled in 
neighboring places to escape the quarrels. It is a 
wonder that the government held together at all, so 
fierce were the passions on both sides. 

The Agrarian laws are now first heard of. These 
laws, which had reference to the distribution of the 
public lands among the poorer classes, were violently 
opposed by the Patricians. The first law, although 
passed, cost its advocate (Spurius Cassius) his life, and 
was itself never enforced. 

These quarrels finally culminated in the murder of 
one of the Tribunes (Gnaeus Genucius) for attempting 
to veto some of the proceedings of the consuls. A law 
was now passed (471 B.C.) by the violent effort of the 
Plebeians (called the Publilian Law, from Publilius, 
its proposer), which enacted that the Tribunes should 
be chosen in the Comitia Tributa, instead of the Comi- 



16 THE DECEMVIRI. 

tia Centuriata. Thus the Plebeians could now elect 
their Tribunes freely, and gained a step in power which 
they never lost. 

For the next twenty years, the struggle between the 
rich and poor at Rome continued unabated. The de- 
mand of the latter was a w T ritten code of laws. Finally, 
it w r as arranged that the Comitia Centuriata should 
choose from the people at large ten men, called the 
Decemvirate, who should hold office for one year. 
These magistrates w T ere to supersede all others, and 
direct the government. But their chief duty was to 
draw up a code of laws, and submit it to the approval 
of the people. 

These laws were approved, and engraved on ten tables 
of copper, and were placed in the Forum in front of the 
Senate house. Two more tables were added the next 
year ; making, in all, twelve, — the only Roman code. 

The Decemviri should have resigned as soon as these 
laws were drawn up and approved ; but they neglected 
to do so, and began gradually to act in a cruel and 
tyrannical manner. 

The people grew more and more uneasy, and medi- 
tated a revolution, which broke out finally, when one of 
the Decemviri passed so unjust a sentence as to bring 
an innocent maiden into his own power for the gratifi- 
cation of his lusts. The father saved his daughter's 
honor by stabbing her to the heart ; and, fleeing himself 
to the camp, he called upon the soldiers to put down 
so unjust a government. 

A second time the army left their leaders, and se- 
ceded to the Sacred Mount, where they nominated 
their own tribunes. Then, marching into the city, they 
compelled the Decemviri to resign. 



THE VALER10-H0RATIAN LAWS. 17 

A compromise was now made with the Patricians, 
resulting in the Valerio-Horatian laws, the substance 
of which was as follows : - — 

I. Every Roman citizen could appeal to the Comitia 
Centuriata against the decision of the supreme magis- 
trate. 

II. All the decisions of the Comitia Tributa (called 
Plebiscita) were made binding (if sanctioned by the 
Senate and Comitia Curiata) upon the Patricians and 
Plebeians alike. This assembly now became of equal 
importance with the other two. 

III. The person of the Tribunes, .ffidiles, and other 
Plebeian officers, was to be considered sacred. 

IV. The Tribunes could take part in the debates of 
the Senate, and veto any of its decisions. 

Thus we see the Plebeians gradually gaining ground, 
notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of the Patricians 
to keep them down. 

A few years after the Yalerio-Horatian laws, the 
Canuleian law (445 B.C.) was passed, making valid any 
marriage between a Patrician and a Plebeian, and enact- 
ing that all children of such marriage should follow 
the rank of the father. 

At the same time, in the place of the two consuls, 
six military Tribunes were elected annually by the 
Comitia Centuriata, the office being open to all citi- 
zens. 

To offset this gain for the Plebeians, the Patricians 
obtained (435 b.c.) the appointment of two new officers, 
called Censores, elected from their own ranks in the 
Comitia Centuriata once in every five years, to hold 
office for eighteen months. 

The duties of the Censors were : — 



18 THE LIC1NIAN ROGATIONS. 

I. To see that the citizens of every class and order 
were properly registered. 

II. To punish immorality by removal from the Sen- 
ate of any of its members. 

III. To have a general supervision of the finances 
and public works of the state. 

This office became, in after years, the most coveted 
in Rome. 

But again (421 b.c.) the Plebeians were amply com- 
pensated for this gain of the Patricians, by obtaining 
the right of electing one of their number as Quaestor. 
There were now four Quaestors. 

Thus the nobility, in spite of the most obstinate re- 
sistance, sustained loss after loss. Even the rich Ple- 
beians, who had heretofore generally found it for their 
interest to side with the Patricians, now joined the 
farmers and lower classes. 

Finally (367 b. a), the Tribunes of the Plebeians 
(Licinius and Sextus) proposed the following bills, 
called the Licinian Rogations : — 

I. To abolish the six military Tribunes, who had 
superseded the two consuls, and reinstate the latter, 
choosing one of them from the Plebeians. 

II. To forbid any citizen holding more than 500 
jugera (300 acres) of the public lands, and feeding 
thereon more than 100 oxen and 500 sheep. 

III. To compel all landlords to employ on their fields 
a certain number of free laborers, proportionate to the 
number of their slaves. 

IV. To allow all interest hitherto paid on borrowed 
money to be deducted from the principal, and the rest 
be paid in three yearly instalments. 

These Rogations, we see, were a great gain for the 



HORTENSIAN LAW. 19 

poorer classes. It gave them an opportunity for labor, 
which had been done in so great a measure before by 
the slaves. They could feel less burdened by their 
debts, having some prospect of paying them. 

But especially, since they had accession to the high- 
est office at Rome, viz. the consulship, they felt that 
their interests would be better protected. 

However, the struggle went on, with scarcely una- 
bated energy, for nearly thirty years. The Plebeians 
had gained so much that they could not stop until they 
were placed on an equal footing with the nobility in 
civil rights. 

First, they obtained the right of having the office of 
Dictator open to them ; then those of Censor and Prae- 
tor ; until, finally, by the law of Hortensius, the Dicta- 
tor (286 b.c), all the decrees (Plebiscita) of the Comi- 
tia Tributa stood on the same footing of equality with 
those of the Comitia Centuriata, not being conditional, 
as heretofore, upon the approval of the Senate and 
Comitia Curiata. 

Thus the strife that had lasted for 200 years was 
virtually ended ; and although the Roman nobility 
still held aloof from the commons, yet their rights as 
citizens were no greater than those of the Plebeians. 



CHAPTER V. 

External History. 
The Samnite Wars. 

The first authentic history of Rome begins about 
400 b.c. The city then possessed but little beyond her 
own walls. She was surrounded by hostile peoples, 
ready to destroy her if an opportunity offered. 

About this time, a barbarous tribe from Gaul 
(France) invaded Italy, and captured and sacked Rome. 
All records of the city's history were destroyed ; and 
thus, previous to this date (390 b.c), we have no reli- 
able data. 

It was nearly half a century before Rome recovered 
from the effects of the Gallic invasion, obliged, as she 
was, to struggle continually with neighboring states. 

At this date (340 B.C.), Rome began a series of wars 
for the subjugation of Italy. Her strongest enemies 
were the Samnites, — a race who had established them- 
selves in the mountainous districts of Central Italy, 
and early extended their authority over the entire Cam- 
pania. 

Between the Samnites and Romans a treaty had been 
made (354 b.c). Since then, both had, independently of 
each other, been waging war against the Volsci. The 
Samnites went so far as to attack Teanum, a city of 
Northern Campania, which appealed to Capua for aid. 
The Samnites at once appeared before Capua, which, 
unable to defend itself, asked aid of Rome. 



SAMNITE WAR. 21 

Alarmed at the advances of the Samnites, Rome 
only awaited an excuse to break her treaty. This 
was furnished by the Capuans surrendering their city 
unconditionally to Rome, so that, in attacking the Sam- 
nites, she would only be defending her subjects. 

Thus began the 

Samnite Wae, 

which lasted for fifty years, with varying success, 
and was interrupted by two truces. Hence it is usual to 
divide it into three portions, and to describe them as 
the First, Second, and Third Samnite wars. It was 
fought with great stubborness on both sides, and the 
enemies were pretty evenly matched. The First 
Samnite war was speedily brought to a close, without 
any material advantage to either side, by a renewal of 
the class struggle at Rome, and also because the Latin 
allies were showing unequivocal symptoms of discon- 
tent. The civil strife resulted in the extension of the 
Licinian law of debt, so that debts were abolished 
altogether, and in the making of both consulships open 
to the common people. The Latins were only quieted 
by being subdued. 

Hitherto the Latins had been allies to the Romans ; 
but it now became necessary either to subdue them or 
to admit them to an equal share in the government, and 
form a single consolidated union. A proposition was 
sent to Rome by the Latins, by the terms of which they 
sue to have one of the two consuls and 300 members 
of the Senate ; but it was rejected. The great Latin 
War (340-338 B.C.) followed, in the first year of which 
a battle was fought near Vesuvius. The Romans, 
with their Samnite allies, were victorious through 



22 . LATIN WAR. 

the efforts of the consul, T. Manlius Torquatus, one of 
the illustrious names of this still doubtful period. 
The remainder of the operations was rather a series 
of expeditions against individual cities than a general 
war. 

By the Latin Conquest, not only Latium, but also the 
country of the Volscians and Aruncans, was added to 
Roman territory, and partitioned among the people. 

It was the policy of Rome always to punish a fallen 
enemy severely, but at the same time to hold out 
to them, as inducement to future loyalty, a prospect 
that they might by good conduct earn the privileges 
of the most favored. At the same time, full or partial 
citizenship was often granted to a portion of a con- 
quered people, which influenced the remainder to strive 
to attain a like position. In accordance with this 
policy, some of the Latin communities were at once 
incorporated with the Roman territory, while the rest 
held the position of conquered country. 

During the interval between the Latin and the 
Second, or Great, Samnite wars, Rome occupied her- 
self in strengthening her frontier, by placing colonies 
along her Samnite boundary, and preparing for the 
struggle which was inevitable. While thus engaged, 
she constantly gave evidence of her determination to 
renew the war. Privernum, one of the newly con- 
quered Volscian cities, revolted (330 b.c), but was soon 
reduced. The deputies, being asked what was due to 
such rebellious conduct, asked, " What is due to brave 
men who have fought for freedom ? " " Well, but if 
we spare you ? " " Peace, if you treat us well ; if ill, a 
speedy return of war," was the reply. The inhabitants 
of Privernum were admitted to Roman citizenship. 



PALJE0P0L1S DESTROYED. 23 

Three years later (327 B.C.), the Senate sent to Palae- 
opolis, a Greek town near Neapolis (Naples), to com- 
plain of outrages committed upon Roman subjects in 
Campania. Satisfaction was refused at the instiga- 
tion of the Tarentines, a Greek colony of Southern 
Italy, whose representations were the more readily 
listened to, as, in case of war, the Samnites might be 
counted on for assistance against the common enemy, 
Rome. Palaeopolis was utterly destroyed ; and then 
the Senate turned their attention once more to the 
Samnites. 

It was charged that, in addition to their assistance to 
Palaeopolis, they had instigated the revolt of Priver- 
num. The charges were indignantly denied, and war 
was declared. It will be observed that, whenever Rome 
found a powerful enemy, whom she was unable at once 
to crush, peace was made, which was but a truce for 
the purpose of strengthening positions and completing 
preparations for a renewal of war. These preparations 
were in themselves virtual, and often actual, demon- 
strations of hostility. In distress Rome was always 
ready for such a peace ; but, when her position was 
more favorable, pretexts were never wanting on which 
to break it. Roman faith was kept with strangers only 
so long as it pleased Rome. 

During the first five years (326-322 B.C.) of the war, 
the Romans were usually successful ; and the Samnites 
were compelled to sue for peace. A truce of a year 
was granted, and then hostilities were renewed. By 
this time the Samnites had found a worthy leader in 
C. Pontius, by whose skill and wisdom the fortune of 
war was turned against the Romans during seven long 
years (321-315 B.C.). In the first year of his com- 



24 CAUDINE FORKS. 

mand, he induced the consuls to hasten to the assist- 
ance of the town of Luceria. Their way led them into 
a small plain, at each end of which was a defile. On 
gaining this plain, they found Pontius strongly posted 
to oppose them. After a bloody but fruitless attempt 
to force his position, a retreat was ordered ; but, in the 
mean time, the defile in rear had been occupied, and 
nothing remained but a capitulation. 

A treaty was signed by the consuls and all the supe- 
rior officers, according to which peace was to be made, 
and every thing which had been taken from the Sam- 
nites was to be restored. Such was the affair at the 
Caudine Forks, — one of the most humiliating dis- 
graces which ever befell the Roman arms. The army 
was made to pass under the yoke, stripped of every 
thing but their under-garments, and then suffered to 
depart. Rome was filled with dismay at the news. 
The citizens dressed in mourning ; business and amuse- 
ments were suspended ; and every energy was devoted 
to repairing the disaster. The results of the delibera- 
tions were eminently characteristic of the people. 
Compliance was refused with the terms of the treaty, 
on the ground that the consuls had no authority to 
make a treaty ; and it was determined to deliver the 
signers as prisoners to the enemy. This was done ; 
but Pontius demanded either good faith, or the return- 
ing of the army to its position at the Forks. 

War was renewed, and dragged on for seven years, 
when the Samnites were so utterly defeated by Pabius, 
who had been appointed Dictator, that they were unable 
to meet the Romans again on the field with any chance 
of success. The war was finally ended by the Samnites 
agreeing to relinquish all their sea-coast, giving up all 



BATTLE OF SENTIUM. 25 

alliances and conquests, and acknowledging the su- 
premacy of Rome (304 B.C.). 

The Samnites had only yielded to the direst ne- 
cessity in concluding peace, and immediately set to 
work uniting Italy against Rome. In this they were 
so successful, that, after six years, began what is 
known as the Third Samnite war, under the leadership 
of Gellius Egnatius. The fortune of this war was de- 
termined in a sanguinary battle at Sentium, where the 
Samnites were entirely routed by Fabius and Decius, 
after a long and doubtful struggle, in which both 
Decius and Gellius lost their lives. The battles which 
followed during the five remaining years of the war 
only confirmed the supremacy of Rome. 

With the exception of a fruitless rising, when the 
arrival of Pyrrhus seemed to offer an opportunity to 
retrieve their losses, the Samnites gave Rome no further 
trouble. The hero of the last two Samnite wars was 
Q. Fabius, by whose assistance his son won the final 
battle of the contest (290 B.C.). Pontius, who was once 
more in command of his countrymen, was taken pris- 
oner, and, after gracing the triumph of father and son, 
was put to death in prison. 

During the Samnite war, the gradual union of the 
Patricians and Plebeians continued. The Plebeians 
grew wealthy, those more destitute being sent off to 
colonize the new conquests ; while the Patricians be- 
came more used to the division of honors. But a new 
class had forced itself into notice, — the Freedmen. 
Under this name are included those who were de- 
scended from slaves, as well as those who had been 
liberated from bondage. They were, many of them, 
wealthy, and their numbers had increased, so that they 
2 



26 THE FREEDMEN. 

would have become a power, had not their citizenship 
been limited by restricting them to one of the four city 
tribes. They w^ere placed by Appius Claudius on the 
lists of any tribe they might select. Thus they would 
have made themselves a third element, constantly 
increasing in influence, had they not, five years later, 
been restored by Q. Fabius and P. Decius (307 b.c.) to 
their four city tribes ; so that, no matter how powerful 
they became, their voice might be readily neutralized 
by the action of the remaining tribes. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Pyerhus (281-272 b.c). 

Ix the early times of Rome, while, indeed, she was 
scarcely known even to her own neighbors, it had been 
the custom, of the Greeks to send their colonies away 
from home to relieve the pressure of too rapid increase. 
We find them in Spain, France, Asia Minor, and notably 
in the island of Sicily and South Italy, where the coun- 
try became so thoroughly Grecianized that it received 
the name of Graecia Magna. 

Here were many fine and flourishing cities, such 
as Syracuse, Tarentum, Sybaris, Croton, and Thurii. 
These had, by the time of their contact with Rome, 
greatly fallen from their former grandeur, partly from 
the inroads of barbarians from the north, partly from 
civil dissensions, and still more from their jealousies 
of one another ; so that they were unable to oppose 
any firm and united resistance to the southern progress 
of the Roman arms. It had been their custom to rely 
largely upon strangers for the recruiting and manage- 
ment of their armies, — a fact which explains the ease 
with which they were overcome. 

Of these cities, Tarentum was now the chief; and 
with it a treaty had been made by which the Ta- 
ren tines agreed to certain limits beyond which their 
fleets were not to pass, the Romans binding themselves 
not to allow their vessels to appear in the Gulf of 
Tarentum, nor their armies to pass a particular temple 



28 BATTLE OF HERACLEIA. 

(Lacinian Juno). As usual, the Romans found no dif- 
ficulty in evading this treaty whenever it should profit 
them. 

Thurii was attacked by Lucanians, and, despair- 
ing of aid from Tarentum, called on Rome for pro- 
tection. As soon as domestic affairs permitted, war 
was declared against the Lucanians, and the wedge 
was entered which was to deliver Grecian Italy to 
Rome. Pretending that the war was instigated by the 
Tarentines, the Romans decided to ignore the treaty, 
and sent a little fleet of ten vessels into the Bay of 
Tarentum. It was a gala day, and the people were 
assembled in the theatre overlooking the bay when the 
ships appeared. It was determined to punish them. 
A fleet was manned, and four of the Roman squadron 
were destroyed. 

A demand for satisfaction was treated with insult and 
contempt ; so the next year one of the consuls was 
ordered to the south. The Tarentines had already 
sent envoys, asking aid from Pyrrhus, the young and 
ambitious king of Epeirus, who hoped, by a powerful 
western empire, to overmatch the exhausted monarchies 
of the east, which had risen on the death of Alexander 
of Macedon (281 b.c). 

Pyrrhus landed in Italy with a force of 20,000 foot, 
about 3,000 horse, and 20 elephants, and at once set 
about compelling the effeminate Greeks to prepare for 
their own defence. Places of amusement were closed; 
the people were forced to do military duty ; disturbers 
of the public safety were put to death ; and other re- 
forms were made which the dangers of the situation 
seemed to demand. 

The armies met on the plain of Heracleia (280 B.C.), 



BATTLE OF BENEVENTUM. 29 

where the level nature of the country was everyway in 
favor of the Grecian method of fighting. The Romans 
were defeated : their horses would not face the ele- 
phants ; but, in spite of all, they retired in good order. 
Pyrrhus is said to have been much impressed by the 
heroic conduct of the foe, and to have remarked : 
" Another such victory will send me back without a 
man to Epeirus." He recognized the inferior qualities 
of his allies, and determined to make a peace. A 
trusted messenger was sent to Rome ; but he received 
for answer to his propositions, that Rome would not 
treat of peace till Pyrrhus should leave Italy. 

Pyrrhus then tried force, and, hastily advancing north- 
ward, soon appeared within eighteen miles of Rome, hav- 
ing carried every thing before him. Here his danger 
became great. The defection he had hoped among the 
Latins did not take place ; and the armies which had 
been operating elsewhere were now ready to unite 
against himself. He therefore retired to winter quar- 
ters at Tarentum ; and there received the famous em- 
bassy of C. Fabricius, sent to propose an interchange 
of prisoners. It was in vain that bribes and threats 
were employed to shake the courage of the men sent by 
the Senate ; and, on his part, Pyrrhus refused to grant 
the exchange desired. 

Hostilities were renewed. The Romans were de- 
feated at the plain of Apulian Asculum (279 b.c.) ; but 
it was only another of those Pyrrhic victories which are 
almost as disastrous as defeat. Pyrrhus soon after made 
peace with the Romans, and retired to Sicily to ope- 
rate against the Carthaginians, w^here he remained above 
two years. The next time he met the Romans was 
near Beneventum (274 B.C.), where he was utterly 



30 ROME MISTRESS OF ITALY. 

routed. By this time the Romans had become used 
to the elephants, and used burning arrows against them. 
The wounded became furious and unmanageable, and 
threw the army into confusion. With the battle at 
Beneventum ended the career of Pyrrhus in Italy. He 
returned home, and, two years later, was accidentally 
killed by a woman at Argos. 

The departure of Pyrrhus left all Italy at the mercy 
of Rome ; but the conquest was yet to be completed. 
Tarentum was still in the hands of Milo, a general of 
Pyrrhus ; the various nations who had espoused the 
cause of the Greeks were still in arms ; and the north 
was still hostile. But among her enemies there was 
nowmere any head or unity ; while Rome acted with 
both prudence and energy. 

Rome showed as much prudence in her policy for 
the retaining her conquests, as she did bravery in their 
acquisition. She did this by separating them from each 
other with the utmost care, and by making them de- 
pendent on herself to the greatest possible extent. By 
making the interests of each distinct and individual, she 
prevented any union which might be dangerous ; while, 
by her control of those interests, she prevented defec- 
tion. 

In accordance with this plan, her dependencies were 
divided into three classes. The Prefectures were ruled 
by an officer appointed at Rome ; their condition 
resulted from their attempts to throw off the Roman 
yoke. The inhabitants were subjected to all the bur- 
dens of citizenship, with none of its privileges. The 
Municipal Towns ruled themselves, were exempt from 
all but local taxation, and held their position by treaty. 
They were obliged, however, to furnish a military con- 



THE ROMAN ROADS. 31 

tingent, and, except by special act, could not enjoy the 
political or public rights of citizenship. The Colonies 
consisted either of Roman soldiers and their families, 
who were placed in strong and fortified places for the 
purpose of overawing the inhabitants, or parties of 
citizens who took np their abode in the conquered 
districts. In either case, they formed a firm protection 
against revolt ; and in the latter, a valuable relief for the 
poorer classes. There were also, at this time, certain 
towns independent of Roman rule, and only bonnd by 
treaties ; these, however, gradually disappeared as 
Rome grew more powerful, and took their places 
among the municipal towns. 

Even at this early date, the necessity of easy com- 
munication with the capital seems to have been well 
understood. Roads were pushed in every direction, — 
broad, level roads, over which intelligence might be 
speedily carried or armies marched ; they were chains 
which bound her possessions indissolubly together. 
Some of them remain to-day, — a monument of Roman 
thoroughness, enterprise, and sagacity, and the wonder 
and admiration of modern road-builders. By these 
means did Rome fasten solidly together the constantly 
increasing fabric of her empire, so that not even the 
successes of Hannibal could cause more than a momen- 
tary shaking of fidelity, for which ample punishment 
was both speedy and certain. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Foreign Conquest. — Carthage. — First Punic 
War (264-241 b.c). 

While Rome was gradually enlarging her territory 
from Latium to the Straits of Messana ; on the other 
shore of the Mediterranean, opposite Italy, and less 
than 100 miles from Sicily, sprung up, through industry 
and commerce, the Carthaginian power. 

Like Rome, Carthage had an obscure beginning ; as 
in the case of Rome, it required four centuries to form 
its power. 

It was the policy of Carthage to make a successful 
revolt of her subdued allies an impossibility, by con- 
suming all their energies in the support of her immense 
population and the equipment of her numerous fleets 
and armies. Hence all the surrounding tribes, once 
wandering nomads, were compelled to become tillers 
of the soil ; and, with colonies sent out by herself, 
they formed the so-called Libyo-Phoenician population, 
open to the attack of all, and incapable of defence. 

The country around Carthage was thus very weak ; 
and, the moment a foreign enemy landed in Africa, 
the war was merely a siege of its chief city. 

The power of Carthage lay in her commerce. 
Through her hands passed the gold and pearls of the 
Orient ; the famous Tyrian purple ; ivory, slaves, and 
incense of Arabia ; the silver of Spain ; the bronze of 
Cyprus; and the iron of Elba. 



9Q 



CARTHAGE, ROME, AND SICILY. 6*6 

But the harsh and gloomy character of the people ; 
their cruel religion, which sanctioned human sacrifice ; 
their disregard for the rights of others ; and their well- 
known treachery, — shut them off from the higher 
civilization of Rome and Greece. 

The government of Carthage was an aristocracy. 
A council composed of a few of high birth, and another 
of the very wealthy, managed the state. Only in times 
of extraordinary danger were the people summoned 
and consulted. 

Rome was now (280 b.c.) a great power. Italy, from 
the Rubicon south, was under her control. The city 
itself was strongly fortified, and most of its subject 
towns were walled ; thus forming a chain, as it were, 
of fortresses commanding the whole of Italy. 

In leaving Sicily, Pyrrhus cried out, " What a beau- 
tiful battle-field for Rome and Carthage ! " Neither 
could afford to give up to any rival power this great 
island situated in the centre of the Mediterranean, 
almost touching Italy, and within sight of Africa. 

If Carthage was mistress of it, Rome would be shut 
up in her own peninsular ; if Rome was in possession 
of it, the commerce of Carthage was intercepted, and 
a good breeze of one night would bring the Roman 
legions to her walls. 

Three powers shared the island, — Hiero, king of 
Syracuse; the Carthaginians;, and the Mamertines, a 
band of robbers, coming from Campania. 

The latter had made Messana their head-quarters, 
and from there devastated the whole island. Hiero 
had managed to drive them back into Messana, and 
there besieged them. They now applied to Rome for 
assistance. The ambition of Rome was a mixture of 
2* c 



34 THE SIEGE OF MESSANA. 

pride and avidity : she wished to command, because 
she believed herself already the greatest power of the 
world ; she wished to make conquest, because she could 
enrich her treasure ; and Sicily was such a rich prey. 
Therefore, although she was in alliance with Hiero, and 
had but recently executed 300 mercenaries for doing 
the same thing in Rhegium that the Mamertines had 
done in Sicily, she determined to aid them. But, 
while making preparations to send troops, the Cartha- 
ginians had, as a neutral power, arranged a peace be- 
tween Hiero and the Mamertines ; the siege of Messana 
was raised ; the Carthaginian fleet lay in the harbor ; 
and a Carthaginian garrison, commanded by Hanno, 
held possession of the citadel. 

The Mamertines, now under Carthaginian influence, 
informed the Romans, with thanks, that they no longer 
needed their aid. 

Nevertheless, the Roman commander, Claudius, 
pushed on to Messana, succeeded in landing, and com- 
pelled Hanno to give up the citadel. 

Thus the Romans gained their first foothold outside 
of Italy. 

A double alliance was formed with Messana and 
Syracuse ; and the whole of the eastern coast of Sicily 
was under Roman control. 

Two legions were sent to the island the next year 
(262 B.C.), who, aided by the Sicilian Greeks, compelled 
the Carthaginians everywhere to take refuge in their 
fortresses. 

Hannibal, son of Gisco, commander-in-chief of the 
Carthaginians, collected the best of his troops into 
Agrigentum, their most important inland city. The 
Romans besieged the city for some time, until the gar- 



CAPTURE OF AGRIGENTUM. 35 

rison, numbering 50,000, began to suffer from want of 
food. At this point, Hanno, the Carthaginian admiral, 
landed at Heracleia, and cut off the supplies of the 
Romans. 

Both the besieged and besiegers at Agrigentum now 
suffered much. A battle was decided upon to bring 
the matter to an issue. In this battle, the Roman 
cavalry proved as inferior to the Carthaginian cavalry 
as did the Carthaginian infantry to the Roman infan- 
try ; but the infantry decided the day, and Agrigen- 
tum fell into the hands of the Romans. The whole 
of Sicily was now in their power, except a few mari- 
time fortresses held by Hamilcar, the successor of 
Hanno. 

The Romans now began to feel the need of a fleet. 
That of the Carthaginians ruled the sea without a 
rival : it not only kept control of many of the sea- 
ports of Sicily, but also threatened Italy itself. 

The energy evinced by the Romans in building a 
fleet is very remarkable. A wrecked Carthaginian ves- 
sel was taken as a model ; and, by the spring of 260 
B.C., a fleet of 120 sail was ready for use. 

The ships were made the more formidable by a 
heavy iron beak, for the purpose of running down and 
sinking the enemy's vessels ; also a kind of hanging 
stage was placed on the front of the ship, which could 
be lowered in front or on either side. It was furnished 
on both sides with parapets, and had space for two 
men in front. On coming to close quarters with the 
enemy, this stage was quickly lowered, and fastened 
to the opposing ship by means of grappling-irons ; thus 
enabling the Roman marines to board with ease their 
opponent's ship, and carry on the fight as if on land. 



36 ENGAGEMENT OFF MYLJE. 

In 260 b.c, the Roman consul and admiral, Gnaeus 
Cornelius Scipio, set sail for Messana with the vanguard 
of the fleet, consisting of 17 sail. On his way, he at- 
tempted to surprise Lipara, but was captured, with all 
his vessels, by a division of the Carthaginian fleet sta- 
tioned at Panormus. 

The main part of the Roman fleet, however, sailed 
soon after for Messana. It was commanded by the 
second consul, G-aius Duiliu3. 

The Carthaginians, commanded by Hannibal, son of 
Gisco, sailed from Panormus, and met the Roman fleet 
off the promontory of Mylae, to the north-west of 
Messana. 

In this, the first naval contest of any importance be- 
tween the Romans and Carthaginians, the comparative 
merit of their fleets was tested. The newly invented 
" stages," or boarding-bridges, of the Romans, were 
found to be very efficient. The enemy could not ap- 
proach near without these bridges descending with 
their grappling-irons, and joining them fast to the Ro- 
man vessel. 

The Romans were victorious ; and nearly half of the 
enemy's fleet was either sunk or captured. 

The effect of the victory off Mylae was very great. 
Rome suddenly became a naval power. She could 
now protect her commerce, and wrest from Carthage 
the sole control of the seas. 

A bronze column, composed of the beaks of the cap- 
tured vessels, was erected in Rome in honor of this 
victory of Duilius. The pedestal of it is still standing, 
on which are inscribed some of the oldest inscriptions 
in the Latin tongue. 

Two plans were now open to the Romans; viz., 



MYLjE and ecnomus. 37 

cither to attack the strongholds of the Carthaginians, 
on the coasts of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, or to 
cany the war into Africa, and harass the Carthaginians 
in their own homes. 

The former plan was first adopted. The year after 
the battle of Mylae (259 B.C.), the consul, Lucius Scipio, 
captured Aleria, a seaport of Corsica ; thus making 
the island a naval station against Sardinia. 

No other permanent progress, however, was made 
by the Romans for some time. In 257 B.C., an unde- 
cisive, though hard-fought, naval engagement took 
place off the promontory of Tyndaris. 

In 256 B.C., the Romans, becoming weary of their 
want of progress, decided to carry the war into Africa. 
Accordingly, a fleet of 330 sail, containing 100,000 
sailors and a land army of 40,000, was ordered to at- 
tack Africa. The two consuls, Marcus Atilius Regulus 
and Lucius Manlius Volso, were in command. 

The Carthaginian fleet, composed of 350 sail, and 
manned by as many troops as the Roman fleet, met it 
off Ecnomus. 

After a bloody battle, in which 30 Carthaginian and 
24 Roman vessels were sunk, and 64 of the enemy's 
ships captured, the Punic fleet hastened to the coast of 
Africa, and prepared, in the Gulf of Carthage, for a 
second battle. But the Romans sailed to the eastern 
side of the peninsular, which helps to form the Gulf of 
Carthage, and landed without opposition. 

After fortifying a camp on a hill near Clupea, the 
Romans pillaged the surrounding country, and sent as 
many as 20,000 slaves to Rome. . 

The Carthaginians were disheartened ; the towns 
in the vicinity of Carthage surrendered, and the capital 



38 DEFEAT OF REGULUS. 

itself was in danger. They sued for peace ; but the 
conditions proposed were too humiliating to be ac- 
cepted. Seeing that they must fight, they occupied 
the winter in active preparations. With their gold 
they were enabled to hire large forces, among them the 
celebrated Spartan captain, Xanthippus, whose talent 
as a commander was great. 

In the mean while, the Roman general, Regulus, re- 
mained inactive at Tunes, near Carthage, neglecting 
even to secure a line of retreat to his fortified camp at 
Clupea. 

In the following spring (255 B.C.), the Carthaginians 
were ready for the field, and determined to attack 
Regulus before he could receive re-enforcements from 
Rome. 

Regulus foolishly accepted battle, although greatly 
outnumbered in cavalry by his opponents. His own 
cavalry, stationed upon the wings (as was the cus- 
tom in Roman armies), was immediately put to flight 
by the Carthaginian horsemen, and his infantry out- 
flanked. 

Although the Romans fought bravely, it was of no 
avail ; they were cut down, but few escaping to Clupea. 
Regulus himself was captured, and died afterwards in 
Carthage. 

The Romans, as soon as they heard of this defeat, 
sent a fleet of 350 sail to the aid of their forces shut 
up in Clupea. On its way, it gained a victory over 
the Carthaginians off the Her mean promontory, sinking 
114 of their ships. The fleet arrived off Clupea just in 
time to save its friends. The Romans, very foolishly, 
evacuated their position, and, abandoning their nume- 
rous African allies, set sail for Italy. 



CAPTURE OF PANORMUS, ETC. 39 

Had the Romans sent re-enforcements to Regains, 
they would have prevented this humiliating defeat, and 
probably ended the war with Carthage for ever, by 
destroying the city. 

On its return home, the Roman fleet was overtaken 
by a severe storm, in which three-fourths of the vessels 
were wrecked, and their crews drowned ; only eighty 
reached port. 

The Romans were obliged now to build a new fleet ; 
and in the course of three months 220 new vessels were 
ready for use. 

In the spring of 254 B.C., this fleet, with the remnants 
of the old one, — numbering in all about 300 vessels, — 
appeared on the northern coast of Sicily, and caj^tured 
Panormus, the most important seaport of the Car- 
thaginians. Soon after, some smaller places fell into 
the hands of the Romans, until, of the north coast of 
the island, Thermae alone remained under the Punic 
control. 

In the following year (253 B.C.), the consuls, instead 
of following up their advantage in Sicily, preferred to 
try another attack upon Africa, and to plunder the coast 
towns. They accomplished their object, but, upon 
their return, were overtaken by another storm, and lost 
150 ships. 

In the year 252 B.C., Thermae and the island of Li- 
para were captured by the Romans. The next year 
(251 B.C.), the consul, Gaius Caecilius Metellus, gained 
a brilliant land victory over the enemy, the result of 
which was that Eryx fell into the hands of the Romans 
(249 B.C.). Drepana and Liiybeeum were the only 
places in Sicily now held by the Carthaginians. 

A regular siege of Lilybaeum was decided upon, and 



40 SIEGE OF L1LYB2EUM. 

accordingly the city was blockaded by land and sea ; 
but the besieging party suffered fully as much as the 
besieged, as their supplies were frequently cut off by 
the cavalry of the Carthaginians, and their ranks began 
to be thinned by disease. 

Disheartened at the want of success, a sudden attack 
was ordered to be made by the blockading squadron 
upon the Carthaginian fleet stationed at Drepana. 

The attack was unsuccessful ; and more than three- 
fourths of the Roman squadron was captured. 

This was the only great naval victory gained by the 
Carthaginians during the war. 

Also a fleet of 120 vessels, sent with provisions 
to aid the blockading squadron at Lilybaeum, was 
wrecked by a severe storm. 

The Romans were now in perplexity. The war had 
lasted for fifteen years. They had lost four large fleets 
and one-sixth of their fighting population. 

They had tried a landing in Africa, but had failed. 
They had attempted to storm Sicily, place by place. 
The smaller places had fallen ; but the two strongest, 
Iiilybaeum and Drepana, stood more invincible than 
ever. What were they to do ? They became despon- 
dent and inactive, and almost entirely abandoned their 
fleet ; while on land they allowed the war to languish 
and nearly die out. 

Had the Carthaginians been energetic, now would 
have been the time to humble their antagonist. But, 
having got rid of the Roman fleet, they foolishly al- 
lowed their own also to fall into decay, and contented 
themselves with petty warfare in and around Sicily. 

Thus for six years (248-243 b.c.) the war dragged 
along ingloriously for both parties. 



VICTORY OFF AGATES INSULJE. 41 

During this period (247 B.C.), Hamilcar Barca 
{i.e. lightning) was placed in command of the Cartha- 
ginians in Sicily. A man of great activity and military 
genius, entertaining the most bitter hatred against the 
Romans, he found it hard to endure the apathy and 
apparent indifference of the government at home. 

Yet, with so much to contend against, he slowly 
gained power over the Romans in the island. No 
Roman general was a match for him. His privateers 
were continually appearing upon the Italian coast, and 
plundering the neighboring towns. 

In a word, he was in a fair way of accomplishing 
from Sicily with his fleet what his more famous son 
afterwards undertook from Spain with a land force. 

Finally, some private Romans of wealth, fearing 
that the Senate would never arouse from its state of 
inactivity, built, at their own expense, a fleet of 200 
ships, and manned it with 60,000 sailors. 

This fleet, placed under command of the consul, 
Gaius Lutatius Catulus, occupied the harbors of Lily- 
baeurn and Drepana in 242 b.c. The Carthaginians were 
taken by surprise, and equipped a fleet in such haste 
that it was very inefficient ; so that, the following spring 
(241 B.C.), when it met the Romans off the -ZGgates 
Insulae, it was utterly defeated. The honor of this vic- 
tory belonged to the praetor, Publius Valerius Falto, 
who had succeeded the wounded consul in command. 

Hamilcar thus saw the fruits of his heroic labors of 
seven years undone by the haste of others. 

Sicily was surrendered, and peace made. Carthage 
agreed to pay the costs of the war, — about $3,000,000 ; 
one-third down, the remainder in ten annual payments. 

Thus ended the First Funic War, — one of the 



42 END OF FIRST PUNIC WAR. 

longest the Romans ever waged, the final battles of 
which were fought by soldiers who were not born 
when the war began. 

The war, as a whole, was marked by many blunders 
on the part of both Romans and Carthaginians. The 
former had not yet learned the character of their enemy, 
and that a war with Carthage meant something different 
from one with Samnium. The wretched system of the 
Romans, of changing commanders every year, shut off 
even an able general from perfecting his plans. 

Again, had the Carthaginians seconded their ablest 
commander, Hamilcar Barca, in his endeavors to re- 
cover Sicily and gain a foothold in Italy, the result of 
this war would have undoubtedly been far different. 

Thus Rome had to thank the gods and the errors of 
her opponents for her victory, far more than her own 
prowess or skill. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Rome and Carthage between the First and 
Second Punic Wars (241-218 b.c.). 

Twenty-three years elapsed between the First and 
Second Punic Wars. 

The Carthaginians were occupied the first few years 
in putting down a rebellion of their neighboring sub- 
jects. 

Rome, taking advantage of the position in which 
Carthage was placed, took possession of Sardinia, and, 
when Carthage objected, threatened to renew war, and 
obliged her to pay a fine of over one million dollars 
(237 b.c). 

Shortly after, Rome also annexed Corsica. 

The acquisition of the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and 
Corsica introduced a new system in the government of 
Rome ; viz., the provincial system. 

Heretofore, the two chief magistrates of Rome, 
the consuls, had exercised their functions over all the 
Roman possessions. 

.Now Sicily was made what the Romans called a 
provincia, or province. (Sardinia and Corsica formed 
another province.) Over each province was appointed 
an officer, called proconsul, who was inferior in rank 
to the consul, and equal to the praetor ; whose duties 
combined those of commander-in-chief, chief magis- 
trate, and supreme judge. 



44 SUBJUGATION OF CISALPINE GAUL. 

The finances of the provinces were intrusted to one 
or more quaestors. The dependants of Rome in Italy 
were obliged to furnish a certain number of troops to her 
army and navy ; but her provincial dependants, instead 
of this burden, paid a tenth of their produce, and five 
per cent of the value of their imports and exports, into 
the Roman treasury. 

About this time, the commence of the Adriatic sea 
suffered much from the depredations of the Illyrian 
pirates. Ambassadors were sent from Rome to re- 
monstrate with the king of the Illyrians ; and since 
not only no satisfactory answers were given, but also 
one of the ambassadors was murdered on his return 
home, by the order of the king of Illyricum, as it was 
said, Rome had no alternative but to declare war. 

A fleet was sent up the Adriatic in 229 b.c. ; and the 
sea was cleared of pirates. The Illyrians on the coast 
were made dependants of Rome ; and the Greek cities 
of Epidamnus, Corcyra, and Apollonia, attached them- 
selves to her. 

Thus most of the stations in the Adriatic became sub- 
ject, like Sicily and Sardinia, to the authority of Rome. 

In 225 B.C., Rome began the subjugation of the 
country between the Rubicon and the Alps. This 
tract of land, watered by the Po, and by far the most 
fertile in Italy, was in the hands of barbarous Gallic 
tribes. 

In a short time (three years), the whole of this coun- 
try, called Cisalpine Gaul (i.e. Gaul this side of the 
Alps), was subdued. 

Colonies were planted by Rome in various localities 
in this newly acquired territory, in order to maintain a 
stronger possession. 



HANNIBAL. 45 

The most important of these were Placentia, Cre- 
mona, Mutina. 

The Flaminian Way, already completed as far as 
Spoletium, was continued to Ariminum, thus giving a 
direct road from Rome to the valley of the Po. 

While Rome was thus rapidly gaining power, Car- 
thage was not idle. As soon as the revolt mentioned 
above (page 43) had been subdued (237 B.C.), through 
the efforts of Hamilcar Barca, a project was formed of 
obtaining Spain in compensation for the loss of Sicily, 
Sardinia, and Corsiea. Between 236 and 228 B.C., 
Hamilcar established a firm foothold in the whole of 
Southern and South-eastern Spain. 

At the death of Hamilcar, his son-in-law, Hasdrubal, 
carried on the conquest. Many towns also were built ; 
trade prospered ; agriculture flourished. Rich silver 
mines about Carthago Nova were discovered, and en- 
riched the treasury at home. 

Hamilcar was assassinated in 220 b.c. Hannibal, his 
eldest son, was now looked to by all. He was still a 
young man, in his twenty-ninth year ; but his life had 
been one of varied experience. While yet a boy, he 
had followed his father to the camp, and soon distin- 
guished himself. His light and firmly built frame made 
him an excellent runner and fencer, and a fearless rider. 
The privation of sleep did not affect him ; and he knew, 
like a soldier, how to enjoy or to want his food. 

He entered the army at an early age, and learned his 
first lessons in fighting under his father's eye, whom he 
saw fall by his side. 

At the accession of Hasdrubal (his sister's husband), 
he commanded the cavalry, and distinguished himself 
by brilliant personal bravery, as well as by his talents 
as a leader. 



46 FALL OF SAGUNTUM. 

Such was the person now called upon to lead the 
Carthaginians, and one worthy of the trust. He was a 
great man wherever he went, and riveted the eyes of all. 

Hannibal resolved to commence war as soon as 
elected to the chief command. He laid siege (219 b.c.) 
to Saguntum, a town of Spain allied to Rome ; and 
thus virtually declared war with Rome herself. 

In eight months, Saguntum surrendered ; and the 
Roman ambassadors appeared at Carthage, demanding 
satisfaction. 

When they declared that they were ready for peace 
or war, the Carthaginians accepted the latter (in the 
spring of 218 B.C.) 

Thus the Second Punic War was declared. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

The Second Punic Wae. — Hannibal's March 
fkom Spain to Italy. 

Hannibal set out in the spring of 218 b.c. from 
New Carthage with his army. It consisted of 90,000 
infantry, and 12,000 cavalry, and 37 elephants. 

With this force, he intended to invade Italy. The 
Romans had at their disposal more than 500,000 troops, 
and a fleet of 220 quinqueremes. 

With this large force, they were still dilatory, and 
neglected their own interests. 

When Hannibal had practically declared war by at- 
tacking Saguntum the year before, they should have 
sent an army immediately into Spain, and saved the 
town. 

But after Saguntum finally surrendered, and the war 
had been formally declared, the Romans could have 
massed an army on the banks of the Ebro, and there 
met Hannibal. They neglected to do even this. 

Finally, however, an army and fleet were made ready, 
not to meet Hannibal, but for an expedition into Africa ; 
while only a small force was sent, under the consul, 
Publius Cornelius Scipio, to the Ebro. But he pro- 
ceeded leisurely ; and, when an insurrection broke out 
on the Po, he employed the army ready for embarka- 
tion in suppressing the revolt, and levied new legions 
for the Spanish expedition. 



48 HANNIBAL'S MARCH. 

Thus Hannibal reached the Pyrenees without meet- 
ing any Roman army. He was violently opposed, 
however, by the Spanish allies of the Romans, and was 
occupied about two months in conquering them. 

At the Pyrenees, Hannibal sent home a part of his 
troops, retaining 50,000 infantry and 9,000 cavalry, all 
veteran forces. With these, he crossed the mountains 
without difficulty ; then he marched along the coast by 
Narbo (Narbonne) and Nemausus (Nimes), through 
the Celtic territory, with but little opposition. He ar- 
rived at the Rhone, opposite Avenio (Avignon), the 
last of July. There he first met the Romans. 

Meanwhile, the consul, Scipio, had voyaged leisurely 
towards Spain, touching at Massilia (Marseilles) to- 
wards the end of June. Learning there that he was 
too late to intercept Hannibal in Spain (for he had al- 
ready crossed into Gaul), he resolved to meet the Car- 
thaginians on the Rhone. 

Massilia was friendly to the Romans ; and through 
her influence the Celtic tribes of that region were in- 
duced to assist Scipio in his attempt to check Hannibal. 
When the latter arrived at the Rhone, only a body of 
Celtic troops were ready to oppose his crossing ; while 
the main army of Scipio, consisting of 22,000 infantry 
and 2,000 cavalry, were still in Massilia, four days' 
march distant. 

It was Hannibal's policy to cross the Rhone before 
Scipio arrived with his troops. He bought up all the 
boats that could be found in the region, and con- 
structed numerous rafts, so as to enable him to trans- 
port his forces in a body. 

He also sent a detachment up the river, with orders 
to cross at the first available place, and, returning on 



HANNIBAL'S MARCH. 49 

the other bank of the river, surprise the Celtic forces in 
the rear. 

Hannibal's plan worked admirably. At a given sig- 
nal, the attack was made upon the rear of the Celtic 
camp, and the crossing of the troops begun. The 
Celts were taken by surprise, and fled, offering but 
little resistance. 

Hannibal now was sure of an unobstructed march to 
the Alps. 

Scipio, while Hannibal was acting, was holding coun- 
cils in Massilia as to the best method of obstructing the 
enemy's crossing. Although the Carthaginian was de- 
layed five days before he could perfect his plans for 
crossing, yet Scipio neglected to send aid to the Celts ; 
and, when finally he did move, Hannibal's rear was 
three days' march from Avenio. 

Scipio returned to Massilia in disgust. His course 
now should have been to embark his troops for North- 
ern Italy, and make preparations to meet Hannibal 
as soon as he crossed the Alps. But he seemed to 
go from one blunder to another. The main body of 
his forces was sent to Spain, under his brother, Gnaeus 
Scipio; and he himself, with a few men, sailed for 
Pisae. 

Meanwhile, Hannibal hurried up the valley of the 
Rhone, across the Isara (Isere), through the fertile 
country of the Allobroges, arriving in sixteen days at 
the crossing of the first Alpine chain (over Mont du 
Chat). Crossing this pass with some difficulty, owing 
to the nature of the country and the resistance of the 
Celts, he hastened on through the country of the Cen- 
trones, along the north bank of the Isara. As he was 
leaving this river, and approaching the foot of the pass 



50 HANNIBAL'S MARCH. 

.-■- 
of the Little St. Bernard, he was again attacked by the 

Celts, and obliged to make the ascent amidst continual 

and bloody encounters. Finally, after toiling a day and 

night, the army reached the summit of the pass. Here, 

on a table-land (the source of the river Dora), Hannibal 

allowed his troops a brief rest. 

The hardships of the descent were even greater than 
those of the ascent. 

The fertile valley of the Po must have been a wel- 
come sight to the half-famished and exhausted soldiers, 
when, in the middle of September, they encamped, and 
were suffered to recruit their worn-out energies. 

This was the time for Scipio to have had his army 
ready to attack the Carthaginians. 

Had the Romans met them before they had recovered 
from their hard march, Hannibal's chances for victory 
would have been slight. 

This march of Hannibal from the Rhone, so famous, 
of over 500 miles, through hostile countries, over high 
mountains, lasted for thirty-three days, and cost him 
20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry. 



CHAPTER IX. 

The Second Punic War. — From the Passage op 
the Alps to the Battle of Cannae. 

When Hannibal arrived in Italy, the Romans were 
unprepared to meet him. One of their armies was in 
Spain under Gnseus Scipio ; the other in Sicily (under 
the consul, Sempronius), on its way to Africa. 

A recent insurrection of the Gauls, in the valley of the 
Po, though put down (see page 47), had compelled the 
Romans to leave some troops in that vicinity to over- 
awe their rebellious subjects. These were the only 
forces immediately available against Hannibal. 

The consul, Publius Scipio, who had arrived from 
Massilia, took command of these forces. They were 
inferior in numbers and discipline to the Carthaginian 
troops ; and in the first encounter, a cavalry engage- 
ment, the Romans were discomfited. This skirmish 
(October, 218 b.c.) — for it was hardly worthy of the 
name of battle — was fought near the river Ticinus, a 
tributary of the Po. The consul himself was wounded, 
and his life saved by his son, a lad of seventeen, after- 
wards the famous Scipio Africanus. The loss of the 
Romans was considerable. 

The Romans now retreated rapidly, crossing the Po at 
Placentia, and destroying the bridge behind them. Here 
(at the confluence of the Trebia and Po) Sempronius, 
the other consul, was face to face with the army of Han- 
nibal, drawn up on a field chosen by himself. The bat- 



52 BATTLE OF TREBIA. 

tie (December, 218 b.c.) was lost, unless the main body- 
crossed the stream : hungry, weary, and wet, the Romans 
came on, and hastened to form in order of battle ; the 
cavalry, as usual, on the wings, the infantry in the centre. 
In the engagement that followed, the Roman cavalry 
was quickly repulsed by the Carthaginian ; but the in- 
fantry, as usual, showed its superiority over that of the 
enemy, and was steadily advancing, until the cavalry of 
Hannibal, returning from the pursuit of the Roman cav- 
alry, attacked them in the rear. The Roman centre was 
then broken up, and scattered. Only one division, of 
10,000 men, fought its way through the enemy's ranks, 
and reached Placentia. The rest were mostly killed. 

The loss of the Carthaginians was quite severe. 

The result of the victory of Trebia was the insurrec- 
tion of all the Celtic tribes in the valley of the Po, who 
increased Hannibal's army by more than 60,000 infan- 
try and 4,000 horsemen. The remains of the Roman 
army wintered in the fortresses of Placentia and Cre- 
mona. Sempronius managed to escape to Rome. 

Hannibal remained where he was for the winter. 

No great exertions were made at Rome during this 
winter for the coming campaign. The consuls, Gaius 
Flaminius and Gnaeus Servilius, were stationed to 
guard the two highways leading north from Rome, one 
of which terminated at Arretium, the other at Arimi- 
num. The former was occupied by Flaminius, the latter 
by Servilius. There they were joined by the troops 
that had wintered in Placentia and Cremona. 

The Romans thought that Hannibal would, of course, 
march into Central Italy by one of these two highways. 
The only other route was through Etruria, which in 
the spring, in the neighborhood of the river Arno, is 



BATTLE OF TRAS1MENUS. 53 

inundated, and almost impassable. Therefore, the Ro- 
mans felt safe in this direction. Hannibal, however, 
determined to take this route, and outflank the enemy. 

The march through the marshes of Etruria was a 
hard one. Many men perished ; and Hannibal him- 
self lost the use of one eye. He finally arrived at 
Fsesulee. 

A report of Hannibal's march reached Flaminius 
at Arretium, who broke up his camp without delay, 
and endeavored to intercept him. Hannibal, however, 
had gained a few days' march upon him, and was now 
near Lake Trasimenus. Here was a narrow defile be- 
tween two steep mountain walls, closed at its outlet by 
a high hill, and at its entrance by the lake. Hannibal, 
with the flower of his infantry, barred the outlet. The 
light-armed troops and cavalry were drawn up in con- 
cealment on either side. The Roman column advanced 
without hesitation to the unoccupied pass, the thick 
morning mist concealing from them the position of the 
enemy. As the head of the Roman line approached 
the hill at the outlet of the pass, Hannibal gave the 
signal for battle. The cavalry, advancing behind the 
heights, closed up the entrance of the pass; and, at 
the same time, the mist rolled away, and revealed the 
Phoenician arms on the right and left. It was not a 
battle, but a mere rout. The main body of the Ro- 
mans was cut to pieces, with scarcely any resistance ; 
and the consul himself was killed. Fifteen thousand of 
the Romans fell, and as many more were captured ; 
while the Carthaginians lost but 1,500, most of whom 
were the Gallic allies of Hannibal. The battle was 
fought in the early part of the month of May, 217 b.c. 

Results. — All Etruria was lost ; and Hannibal could 



54 HANNIBAL IN PICE NUM. 

march without hindrance to Rome. The Romans now 
prepared for the worst. The bridges over the Tiber 
were broken down. Quintus Fabius Maximus was 
appointed dictator. Hannibal, however, did not march 
on to Rome, as expected, but directed his course 
through Umbria, devastating the country as he went. 
He crossed the Apennines, and halted on the shores of 
the Adriatic, in Picenum. Here he rested some time, 
to recruit his army after the hardships of the spring 
campaign. Then he marched slowly along the coast 
into Southern Italy. 

As soon as the Romans found out that Hannibal was 
not going to attack the city immediately, they raised 
an army of considerable dimensions, putting it under 
the command of the same Quintus Fabius Maximus, 
the dictator. Fabius was a man advanced in years, of 
determination and firmness. Seeing that Hannibal 
had come off so easily victorious aforetime, he de- 
termined on a new plan of action; viz., to avoid a 
pitched battle, and follow the Carthaginian army, har- 
assing and keeping it from supplies as far as possi- 
ble. Hannibal, learning from spies how matters stood, 
adjusted the plan of his campaign accordingly. Pass- 
ing the Roman army, he marched over the Apennines 
again, into the heart of Italy, towards Beneventum, and 
thence to Capua, which was the most important of all 
the Italian cities dependent on Rome. He had formed 
connections, which led him to hope that it would revolt 
from Rome on his arrival. During this march of Han- 
nibal, the dictator had followed along the heights, con- 
demning his soldiers to the melancholy task of looking 
on with arms in their hands ;~while the Numidian cav- 
alry plundered their faithful allies. 



HANNIBAL'S MANCEUVRES. 55 

At length, Fabius obtained the opportunity so long 
looked for by the Roman army of attacking Hannibal. 
Hannibal, finding that Capua did not open its gates 
to him, and not being prepared to conduct a siege, 
commenced his retreat towards the Adriatic. Fabius 
intercepted his route near Casilinum, a town of Cam- 
pania, on the left bank of the Volturnus. The heights 
that secured the right bank of the river were occupied 
by his main army; and the road itself, which led across 
the river, was guarded by a division of 4,000 men. 

Hannibal, however, during the night, ordered his 
light-armed troops to climb the heights which rose up 
on the side of the road, and to drive before them a 
number of oxen with fagots tied to their horns, so that 
it seemed as if the Carthaginian army was marching 
off by torchlight. The Roman line, which filled up the 
road, thinking that they were evaded, and that a fur- 
ther guarding of the road was needless, marched by a 
side route to the same heights along the road. This 
left Hannibal's retreat easy. With the bulk of his army, 
he marched through without encountering the enemy. 
The next morning, without difficulty, but with severe 
loss to the Romans, he disengaged and recalled his 
light-armed troops, which had been sent up to the 
heights with the oxen. 

Hannibal then continued his march, without opposi- 
tion, in a north-easterly direction, and by a widely 
circuitous route. He finally arrived, with much booty 
and a full chest, at Luceria, just as the harvest was 
about to begin. He encamped and entrenched him-, 
self at Geronium, twenty-five miles north of Luceria, 
in a plain furnished with grain and grass amply suffi- 
cient to support his immense cavalry. 



56 THE CUNCTATOR. 

Meanwhile, at Rome, the policy of Fabius was being 
criticised very severely, — so much so that he was 
surnamed Cunctator, * the delayer." His enemies ac- 
cused him of cowardice for not attacking Hannibal 
boldly. It was hard, indeed, for them to see their 
beautiful fields devastated, without even a show of re- 
sistance. In the assembly of the people, the most vio- 
lent invectives were daily cast at the obstinate old man ; 
and a resolution was carried to the effect that his com- 
mand should be shared by one of his lieutenants, Mar- 
cus. The army was thus divided into two separate 
corps ; Marcus at the head of one, intending to attack 
Hannibal at the first opportunity ; Fabius, at the head 
of the other, adhering more than ever to his former 
policy of avoiding a direct battle. Marcus soon found 
an opportunity, in the open plain of Apulia, of attack- 
ing Hannibal ; and, in his impetuosity and want of gen- 
eralship, his army would have been entirely annihilated, 
had not the good old Fabius come to his assistance, 
and helped him withdraw his troops. Then Hannibal 
spent the winter of 217 and 216 b.c # unmolested. 

The Romans had a stormy time at home. They 
were all determined to resist Hannibal ; but how ? was 
the question. They saw it would not do to follow the 
policy of Fabius ; for, if the fields of Italy were devas- 
tated for successive seasons, they would be deprived of 
all means of support. But, on the other hand, whom 
could they appoint suitable to meet Hannibal in open 
battle ? He was an enemy truly to be feared ; and they 
dreaded the shock of arms with him. First, however, 
they must have an army. After great exertion, they got 
together 80,000 infantry, one-half allies, and 6,000 cav- 
alry, two-thirds allies, and concluded to put in command 



BATTLE OF CANNJZ. 57 

of this force Lucius -ZEmilius Faulus and Caius Terentius 
Varro, — names that will go down with all Roman his- 
tory, as connected with the greatest defeat the Roman 
arms ever met. Hannibal's army was composed of 
10,000 cavalry and 40,000 infantry. He wished for 
nothing so much as a battle ; for he knew that he had 
never been conquered, and never could be by such men 
as Paulus and Varro. He was especially desirous of 
an engagement on this plain, where he could use to 
advantage his cavalry. 

The Romans arrived at Cannae in June, 216 B.C., and 
encamped, partly on the right, and partly on the left, 
bank of the Aufidus. The bulk of the Roman army 
was on the right bank. Early one morning in June, 
the Romans crossed all their forces to the left bank. 
The cavalry was stationed on the w T ings, the right com- 
manded by Paulus, and the left by Varro ; in the cen- 
tre, the infantry, under command of the proconsul, 
Gnaeus Servilius. 

Hannibal had drawn up his forces in the form of a 
crescent, on the left wing his cavalry under Hasdrubal, 
on the right the Numidian horsemen. The battle 
which followed was a terrible one. The Romans knew 
that they were fighting for their homes, their wives, 
their children, every thing they held dear ; and, if they 
were conquered here, their city might become a mere 
dependant on her rival, Carthage. 

Hannibal managed this battle with his usual skill ; 
and the Romans, although double the number of the 
Carthaginians, were entirely annihilated. Seventy 
thousand dead were left upon the field. Paulus and 
Servilius, and many officers, and 180 men of Senatorial 
rank, were killed. 
3* 



CHAPTER X. 

From Cannje to Zama. 

As soon as the Romans recovered from their first 
feelings of despair, caused by the defeat of Cannae, they 
made the utmost Exertions to raise an army. All the 
Latin allies were summoned to render aid in the com- 
mon peril. Boys and old men alike took up arms ; 
and the slaves even were promised freedom if they 
would join the ranks. 

Hannibal, after his brilliant victories, had turned his 
steps towards Campania, and proceeded to Capua, 
which he induced to join him before the Romans could 
send a garrison ; and so this, the second city of Italy, 
fell into his power. He hoped the smaller cities in the 
neighborhood would follow the example of Capua, and 
open their gates to him ; but he was disappointed. 
The winter of 215-214 b.c. came on, without his having 
accomplished any thing further; and his army went 
into winter quarters at Capua. The luxurious habits 
of the citizens were fraught with danger to the soldiers. 

Hannibal saw that, although he had gained so many 
brilliant victories, he was no nearer the subjugation of 
Italy than when he entered the basin of the Po. He 
had expected that the Latin allies of Rome would be 
dazzled by the brilliancy of his campaigns, and imme- 
diately side with him, leaving Rome to fight for herself ; 
but they had remained true to their allegiance, and, 
up to this time, Capua was the only city of any im- 
portance under the control of Hannibal. It was an 



HANNIBAL'S POSITION. 59 

easy thing for him to conquer the Romans on the field 
of battle ; but his own army must be supported, which 
was no easy matter, after having devastated all Italy 
from north to south. The Roman granaries, on the 
other hand, were kept well supplied from their posses- 
sions in Sicily. 

Hannibal must therefore bestir himself, and take 
some other active means than those already used. Ac- 
cordingly, he sends to Carthage with an appeal for aid. 
He also endeavors to have an alliance formed with 
the king of Macedonia, and earnestly urges upon the 
commander of the Carthaginians in Spain, Hasdrubal 
Barca, to cross the Pyrenees and Alps, and come down 
to his assistance ; hoping, with this army from the north, 
with sustenance and reinforcements from Carthage, and 
with such troops as he might obtain from Macedonia, 
to concentrate a force around Rome large enough to 
compel her into submission. 

The Romans realized the position of Hannibal, and 
determined to counteract his plans, if possible. There- 
fore, they kept what troops they could spare in Spain, 
under the command of the two Scipios, Publius and 
Gnseus, to keep back any forces coming from that quar- 
ter to the assistance of Hannibal. They also managed 
to keep an army in Northern Greece, to engage the at- 
tention of Philip of Macedonia, with whom Hannibal 
had formed an alliance. 

In Spain, the two Scipios were veiy successful in 
their endeavors to harass the Carthaginian forces, — 
in fact, almost dislodge them from the country. But, 
when they were on the eve of acquiring this result, the 
Carthaginians made a desperate effort; and, by bring- 
ing into Spain three armies, managed to separate the 



60 PUBL1US SC1PIO IN SPAIN. 

Scipios and their armies, and, surprising them both, 
not only defeated the armies, but killed both their 
generals. Thus fell two of the bravest Romans that 
history has seen. 

When this news of the defeat in Spain was received 
at Rome, it was seen that, unless active measures were 
taken to check the Carthaginians, they would come 
down from the Alps, and, uniting with the forces of 
Hannibal, would place Rome herself in jeopardy. But 
whom should they send to Spain ? No one seemed 
competent to check these large armies. At last a 
young man, twenty-seven years old, Publius Scipio 
(whom we first saw at the battle of Ticinus), came for- 
ward, and said he would undertake the difficult task, 
and avenge the death of his relatives. It was in 
210 b.c. that he set out on this momentous mission ; 
and his appearance on the field of Spain was signalized 
by a bold and fortunate movement. For early in the 
spring of 209 B.C., with an army of 30,000 men, he at- 
tacked New Carthage, and captured it on the same day. 
Eighteen vessels of war, 63 transports, $600,000, and 
10,000 captives fell into the hands of the Romans. 
The same year (209 b.c), Hasdrubal (brother of Han- 
nibal) determined, at any cost, to cross the Pyrenees 
and Alps with his army, and assist his brother. Scipio 
endeavored to stop him at a place called Baecula. Has- 
drubal, however, fought his way, step by step, until he 
reached the Pyrenees. These he crossed. The winter 
of 209-208 b.c. was spent by him in Gaul. 

Two Carthaginian generals were now left in Spain, 
— Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and Mago, — who retired, 
the former to Lusitania, the latter to the Baleares, 
waiting for reinforcements from Carthage. 



SPAIN CONQUERED. 61 

The whole east coast of Spain thus fell into the 
hands of the Romans. 

In the year 206 B.C., an army was collected, composed 
of 32 elephants, 4,000 cavalry, and 70,000 infantry. 

Scipio met these forces at Baecula, and thoroughly 
whipped them. 

Hasdrubal and Mago escaped to Gades, which was 
the only place of all Spain now held by the Carthagin- 
ians. Soon after, this place was also abandoned ; and 
the whole of Spain was converted into a Roman prov- 
ince. Scipio now returned to Rome. 

In the mean time, in Italy Hannibal had made no 
permanent progress. In 210 B.C., he lost Capua ; and 
since then had spent his time in Southern Italy, ravag- 
ing the country. He took Tarentum, which, however, 
did not injure the Romans much. In the midst of 
the difficulties, from which he saw no way of extricat- 
ing himself without aid, news came that Hasdrubal 
had crossed the Alps, in the autumn of 208 B.C., and 
was on his way to meet Hannibal. Hannibal immedi- 
ately left Southern Italy, and marched up the coast, 
with the intention of joining his brother. The Romans 
were very much alarmed, and made strenuous efforts 
to raise an army large enough to meet the combined 
forces of Hannibal and Hasdrubal. An army of 40,000 
men, under command of G. Nero, -hastened north, to 
intercept Hannibal before he could meet his brother. 

Hannibal had followed the coast of the Adriatic 
north, up through Lucania, into Apulia. The army of 
Nero, although it managed to intercept that of Han- 
nibal, was unable to stop it ; for the Carthaginian, as 
usual, outgeneralled his adversary. Hannibal pro- 
ceeded a short distance further, and halted, owing to 



62 THE ME TAURUS. 

some despatches which he had received from Hasdru- 
bal, who wished to join him near this place in Sam- 
nium. The Romans, who followed Hannibal closely, 
also halted here. Thus the two armies remained inac- 
tive some time. Hasdrubal now sent another despatch 
to Hannibal, giving further particulars of his route. 
These despatches were intercepted by the scouts of the 
enemy, and fell into the hands of Nero. By means of 
them, Nero found out the exact movements Hasdrubal 
proposed to make. He immediately sent forward a 
portion of his army for the purpose of intercepting 
Hasdrubal, who, abandoned by his guides, lost in a 
strange country, and fighting under disadvantages 
arising both from his position and ignorance of country, 
was himself slain, and his army defeated. The first 
intimation Hannibal (who had been waiting anxiously 
to hear from Hasdrubal) received of this defeat was 
the sight of his brother's head, which was thrown into 
the camp by Nero. This defeat occurred in the spring 
of 207 B.C., at the Metaurus, a small river south of the 
Rubicon, and flowing into the Adriatic. Hannibal 
now abandoned Apulia and Lucania, and retired to 
Bruttii, where he remained four years. 

The Romans determined now to act on the offensive 
more than before, and to send an army into Africa, 
hoping thereby that Hannibal would be induced to 
abandon Italy and protect his own city. Publius Scipio, 
who had been so successful in Spain, was put in com- 
mand of 30,000 men, 40 vessels of war, and 400 trans- 
ports, and sailed for Africa in the early part of 204 B.C. 
Here he was very successful; and, although the Afri- 
cans, with the aid of their neighbors, the Numklians, 
made strenuous efforts to drive him from their country, 



ZAMA. 63 

he defeated them with great loss ; and the Carthagin- 
ians were forced to recall Hannibal from Italy. We 
can imagine the feelings of the Carthaginian hero, as 
he left Italy, and the prize which he had coveted so 
much, and which had been almost within his grasp, 
not to return in triumph to his native city, but to en- 
deavor to preserve it from that same enemy which he 
had hoped to have made subject to himself. 

He saw, upon his arrival home, that desperate ef- 
forts must be made, or Carthage herself would fall into 
the hands of the Romans. All those capable of bear- 
ing arms came forward, and in a short time he had 
collected a large force. The two armies meet, in the 
spring of 202 B.C., on the field of Zama, — a name 
which has been immortalized in history ; for it was 
there that Hannibal met his first and only defeat, and 
the illustrious P. Scipio won his cognomen of " Afri- 
canus." The battle was a hard one ; and, after all the 
newly enrolled troops of Hannibal had been killed or 
put to flight, his veterans, who had remained by him 
in Italy, although surrounded on all sides by forces far 
outnumbering their own, fought on, and were killed 
one by one around their old chief. The army was 
fairly annihilated. Hannibal, with only a handful, 
managed to escape to Hadrumetum. The best paral- 
lel of this battle in history is that of Waterloo, where 
the body-guard of Napoleon fought so desperately 
around their beloved leader. 

With Zama, the Second Punic War closed ; and 
Rome became mistress of the Mediterranean, and of 
Spain, which she divided into two provinces. Car- 
thage, which had before been her rival, was now 
merely a defenceless town. 



CHAPTER XI. 
First and Second Macedonian Wars. 

The overthrow of Carthage, the only power in the 
West capable of competing with Rome in the career of 
conquest, left the future mistress of the world in a 
position to add new nations to her list of subjects. 

On the death of Alexander, his vast empire was torn 
in pieces by his generals ; and, after a long and bitter 
struggle, marked by the blackest crimes, finally resolved 
itself into the following kingdoms : Persia, which con- 
tinued independent until its overthrow by the Mahom- 
etans, long after Rome fell a prey to the barbarians ; 
Egypt* Syria, and Macedon, which ultimately went to 
swell the limits of Roman authority. 

Egypt owed her decay to the dissensions and weak- 
ness of the reigning family rather than to outside in- 
fluences. 

Syria fell, because, composed of various nations which 
had always enjoyed a sort of semi-independence under 
the rule of Persia, her encroachments on Egypt and 
Macedon lessened rather than increased her strength ; 
and, under incompetent rulers, she saw portion after 
portion of her dominions fall from her, and assume 
the dignity of new kingdoms. Thus arose Pergamus, 
Pontus, Cappadocia, Phrygia, and other familiar king- 
doms. 

Macedon never had any stability. Her crown was 



FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR. 65 

a bone of contention from the first ; her people were 
irritated by the memories of former greatness, jealous 
of each other and of their new mistress, and constantly 
striving and plotting for a prominence they had neither 
the ability to acquire nor the wisdom to maintain. 

Thus we see that the East was divided and feeble 
from intestine wars ; while Rome, in the full tide of 
victory, was only shaken firmly together by her strug- 
gles with Carthage. The memories of one were those 
of a past influence, a present weakness and decay. 
Against this, Rome brought the traditions of disasters 
repaired and overcome, a present full of healthy vigor 
and hope. 

Rome began her interference with the affairs of the 
East in Macedon. Immediately after the battle of 
Cannae, Philip V. f king of Macedon, sent an embassy 
to Hannibal, offering him assistance ; but, as the mes- 
sengers fell into the hands of the Romans, the alliance 
was not concluded till some years later. Rome sent a 
small force into Greece, which was soon largely in- 
creased by the dissatisfied subjects of Philip. 

During this, the First Macedonian War, as it is 
called, the only object of Rome was to prevent Philip 
from lending aid to the Carthaginians ; and in this 
they were successful. 

Philip was not by any means separated from his 
alliance with Hannibal, as is shown by the fact that he 
had four thousand men at the battle of Zama. Some 
of these were made prisoners by the Romans, whom 
Philip demanded should be returned to him. He re- 
ceived for an answer that, if he wished war, he should 
have it. 

There were several other circumstances which led to 



66 SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR. 

the Second Macedonian War (200-197 B.C.). Philip 
had made a treaty with Antiochus, king of Syria, for 
the partition of Egypt, as soon as the death of Philopater 
should place his young son, Epiphanes, on the throne. 
The ministers of Egypt at once sought the protection 
of Rome ; and the envoys who were to assume the of- 
fice of protectorship remonstrated with Philip on their 
journey. In Asia Minor, Philip had conducted him- 
self with such barbarity that the people rose against 
him ; and Greece was driven from a similar cause to 
seek alliances which could protect her against him. 
Still Rome was unwilling to undertake a new war ; 
and the people were induced to vote for it on the 
representation that the only means of preventing an 
invasion of Italy was to carry the war into Greece 
(200 B.C.). The hero of the Second Macedonian War 
was T. Quinctius Flaminius, the third leader whom 
Rome sent to subdue Philip. After a protracted 
struggle, the Macedonians were utterly overthrown at 
Cynoscephalae (197 B.C.), and were then quite ready to 
listen to reason. The terms of the peace were the same 
as had been offered early in the war : Philip was to 
withdraw his garrisons from all the Grecian cities, 
leave them independent for the future, make reparation 
for past injuries, and pay a sum of money. The Greeks 
were dismayed at the mildness shown ; but the Romans 
tempered their victories with wisdom, and were of no 
mind to give up their hold on Greece by removing 
Philip, the cause of their interference. The Senate 
confirmed the terms of peace ; and, after putting the 
affairs of the country in order, Flaminius, contrary to 
all expectation, restored liberty to Greece, removing 
all the Roman garrisons, and urging the people to 



SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR. 67 

" show themselves worthy of the gift of the Roman 
people," and returned home to receive a glorious tri- 
umph. The results of the war were the overthrow of 
every controlling influence in Greece, and the establish- 
ing of a de facto Roman protectorate. The last trace 
of domestic unity was destroyed by the practical disso- 
lution of the famous Achaean League, whose members 
were so divided on the question of which side they 
should espouse in the conflict that its authority was 
destroyed. In addition to this, the wedge had been 
entered, and the interference of Rome in eastern 
affairs was assured ; also two of the divisions of the 
empire of Alexander, Greece and Egypt, were under 
the immediate protection of Rome, so that the debris 
of Syria were alone independent. 



CHAPTER XII. 

The Syrian War. 

Antiochus, king of Syria, showed no disposition to 
listen to the remonstrance of Flaminius, but crossed 
the Hellespont, and thus brought himself in collision 
with Rome. This is one of the junctures in history at 
which we are prone to pause, and consider what might 
have been. Hannibal, fleeing from home, escaped to 
Ephesus, the seat of the Syrian court, and offered the 
monarch every inducement to go to war with Rome. 
His counsels were listened to only so far as the raising 
of an army and the invading of Greece. Much time 
was wasted in idleness ; and, after an unsuccessful at- 
tempt to hold the pass of Thermopylae, which terminated 
in utter defeat, he fled back into Asia. Lucius Scipio 
was placed in command of the Roman forces destined 
to the invasion of Asia, and at once hastened to the 
scene of action. Antiochus raised an immense army, 
with which he hoped to crush the invaders ; but he 
met with disaster from the first. Hannibal's Phoeni- 
cian fleet was overthrown and dispersed by the Rho- 
dians ; and the war was terminated by a crushing 
defeat at Magnesia (190 B.C.), where 53,000 of the 
Syrian army were left dead on the field, the Roman 
loss amounting to but 400 men. Scipio returned to 
Rome to enjoy his triumph, and added Asiaticus to his 
name, as his brother had taken that of Africanus, in 
commemoration of his victory. 



WAR IN GAL ATI A, 69 

The successor of Scipio in the East, Cn. Manlius 
Vulso, found nothing to do which could add to his 
renown. So he marched against the Gauls, who had set- 
tled in Galatia about a century before, and had become 
very weal thy from continual plundering^. The excuse 
for the attack was that they had served in the army of 
Antiochus ; the reason was their wealth, and the ambi- 
tion of the consul for glory. They were easily over- 
thrown, their wealth was seized, and they themselves 
speedily became assimilated to their neighbors. The 
possessions of Antiochus in Asia Minor were distributed 
among the allies of Rome. 

The most marked result of the Syrian war was the 
introduction into Rome of immense wealth, which laid 
the foundation of the Oriental extravagance and luxury 
which finally undermined the integrity of the state. 
From Greece were brought learning and refinement ; 
from Asia, immorality and effeminacy. The rigor and 
tone of Roman society are nowhere more forcibly shown 
than in the length of time it took for its subjugation 
by these ruinous exotics. 

Another innovation was at this time introduced into 
the conduct of war by the Roman generals ; for the 
conquest of the Galatians was the first instance in 
which the authority of the Senate had been dispensed 
with in making war ; and the triumph which rewarded 
its success stamped it as legal, and made it a precedent 
which was afterwards but too frequently taken advan- 
tage of. 



CHAPTER XIII. 
Third Macedonian War (171-168 B.C.). 

Philip was now subjugated. Still his ambition 
would not let him rest. He placed both his finances 
and his army on the best footing possible, and soon 
began to enlarge his boundaries. Complaints were 
made at Rome; and his son, Demetrius, was sent 
thither as an hostage, and to offer explanations. The 
mind of the king was poisoned against this son by 
Perseus (Perses), his half-brother ; and Demetrius was 
put to death by the command of Philip, on a charge of 
treason (179 B.C.). The discovery of the fraud weighed 
on the king's mind, so that he died soon after ; and Per- 
seus reaped the reward of his villany. 

At first, the new monarch made good use of his op- 
portunities, and soon offended the Senate by his inter- 
ference in the affairs of Greece. War was declared 
(171 b.c.) ; but the forces sent by Rome were no match 
for the excellent army of the Macedonians ; and nothing 
was gained until L. .ZEmilius Paulus was made consul, 
and took charge of the war (168 B.C.). A single battle, 
atPydna (June 22), annihilated the army of Perseus; 
and the king fled to Samothrace with his treasures and 
his family. He was taken, brought to Rome, and 
served to adorn the triumph of his conqueror. The 
Macedonian monarchy ceased to exist. Perseus died 
soon after ; and his son became a clerk in Rome. The 



THE PSEUDO-PHILIP, 71 

Romanizing of Greece was complete. By separating 
the country into four independent republics, whose 
members could not intermarry or trade with each other, 
utter demoralization soon ensued, and proved a certain 
preventive to all alliances which could shake the au- 
thority of the conqueror. Once, indeed, under the 
leadership of Pseudo-Philip, who pretended (148 B.C.) 
to be the son of Philip V., the Macedonians showed 
signs of disaffection ; but Macedon fell without a strug- 
gle, and was soon formed into a Roman province. In 
146 b.c, Greece fell with the capture of Corinth by 
Mummius, and was also formed into a province, under 
the name of Achaia. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Carthage between the Second and Third Punic 
Wars. — Her Fall. 

Fifty years intervened between the Second and 
Third Punic Wars. 

This was a period of great commercial prosperity for 
Carthage ; but her government was weak, being con- 
tinually divided into factions, each working for its own 
interests. 

Masinissa, king of the Numidians (a people neigh- 
boring to the Carthaginians), an ally of Rome, was 
bitterly complained of by Carthage to Rome. He 
snatched from her one district after another. Carthage, 
bound by her treaty with Rome not to undertake any 
war without her sanction, was obliged first to complain 
to Rome. 

The Romans, for appearance' sake, sent over some 
persons to act as mediators between Carthage and 
Masinissa. But these commissioners did not bring 
any thing to a decision. They allowed things to go 
on as they might, without pronouncing a sentence 
either one way or the other. At last, a war broke out 
between the Carthaginians and Masinissa. The latter 
was victorious. The Carthaginian army surrendered 
their arms ; the best part of their territory was given 
up, and Carthage had to pay $5,000,000. 

The Romans had, as usual, sent commissioners, who, 
with a truly diabolic spirit, deferred giving any deci- 



DELENDA EST CARTHAGO. 73 

sion, but instigated Masinissa. They sent their reports 
to Rome, informing the Senate of the great resources 
which Carthage still possessed. It was at this time 
that Cato kept reiterating in the Senate his famous 
sentence, " Delenda est Carthago," — " Carthage must 
be destroyed." 

After the victory of Masinissa, things came to a 
crisis. The Romans, imagining that it was an easy 
affair, determined upon the destruction of Carthage. 

The Carthaginians were called upon to give an ac- 
count for their conduct towards the Numidian king. 
Desponding and broken-hearted, they sent ambassadors 
to Rome. The answer there given them was obscure. 
They were requested to make reparation to Rome ; 
but, at the same time, they were assured that nothing 
should be undertaken against Carthage herself. But, 
in 149 B.C., the consuls, Manius Manilius and Lucius 
Marcius Ceusorinus, led an army, consisting, it is said, 
of 80,000 foot and 4,000 horse to Sicily, where the 
troops were organized, and other Carthaginian ambas- 
sadors waited for. 

When they appeared, the consuls declared that the 
Senate did not wish to encroach upon the freedom of 
the .Carthaginian people ; but, as they were divided 
into so many parties, it desired to have some security ; 
and for this purpose it demanded that, within thirty 
days, 300 children of the noblest Carthaginian families 
should be delivered up into their hands as hostages. 

These children were sent over to Sicily by their 
parents, in heart-rending despair. 

After the Romans had, in this manner, secured the 
submission of Carthage, their army crossed over to 
Africa. The Roman consuls now informed the Car- 
4 



74 CRUEL CONDUCT OF ROME. 

thaginians that they were ready to treat with them on 
any thing that had not been previously settled. 

When the Carthaginian ambassadors appeared before 
the consuls, they were told that Carthage must deliver 
up all her arms and artillery ; for they said, as Rome 
was able to protect her, there was no reason for Car- 
thage to possess arms. Hard as this command was, 
it was obeyed; and the Carthaginians now believed 
that they had satisfied the Romans in every respect. 
But, when they had their last audience, they were told 
that the government of Carthage had indeed shown its 
good will, but that Rome had no control over the city 
so long as it was fortified. The preservation of peace, 
therefore, required that the people should quit the city, 
give up their navy, and build a new town, without walls, 
at a distance of ten miles from the sea-coast. 

The indignation and fury which this demand excited 
in Carthage were so great, that all the gates were in- 
stantly closed ; and all the Romans and Italians who 
happened to be within the city were massacred. 

The consuls imagined that Carthage might be taken 
by storm in an instant. The city, situated on a penin- 
sula, was protected on one side by a treble wall ; but 
on the side towards the Bay of Tunis it had only one 
low wall. The Romans, who expected to find a de- 
fenceless population, attempted to storm both walls. 
But despair had suggested to the Carthaginians means 
of defence on both sides ; and they repelled the assault. 
Everybody was engaged, day and night, in the manu- 
facture of arms. 

The result of the war was not decided until four years 
after its commencement. The history of it is very 
distressing. There can be nothing more heart-rending 



FALL OF CARTHAGE. 75 

than this last struggle of despair, which was necessary, 
and yet could not end otherwise than in the destruc- 
tion of Carthage. 

Two years after the war began, Publius Cornelius 
Scipio was made consul. He was the son of -ffimilius 
Paulus, the hero of Pydna, and the adopted son of 
Cornelius Scipio, the son of the conqueror of Hannibal. 

This Scipio was truly a very eminent general and 
a great man, but a strong conservative, persisting in 
upholding the actual state of things, no matter in how 
deplorable a condition they might be. 

Scipio began to besiege Carthage with all his energy. 
He stopped up the mouth of the harbor, and finally got 
within the walls of the city. The houses were con- 
quered one by one, by breaking through the walls from 
room to room and from house to house. The struggle 
was, at the same time, carried on upon the flat roofs of 
the houses. A complete famine raged in the city ; and 
the living fed upon the bodies of the dead. 

During this unspeakable misery, the Romans gradu- 
ally advanced to the highest part of the city, which 
they finally took. Thus Carthage fell (146 B.C.), and 
her destruction was complete. A part of her territory 
was given to Numidia, and the rest made a Roman 
province, called Africa. 



CHAPTER XV. 

. Rome and Spain. 

Rome formed her possessions in Spain into two 
provinces shortly after the Second Punic War (198 B.C.). 
This was followed by a general rising of the Spaniards, 
doubtless from fear that a conquest of the entire coun- 
try was intended ; but they were speedily repressed by 
the consul, M. Portius Cato (195 B.C.), who exhibited 
genuine Roman energy in their subjection, and Ro- 
man ferocity in their punishment. A desultory strug- 
gle, however, soon arose, which was terminated (179 
B.C.), after sixteen years, by the more moderate meas- 
ures of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus. The Spaniards 
bound themselves to pay certain yearly dues to the 
Senate, and not to fortify any city without its con- 
sent. 

The rapacity of the governors led to much complaint ; 
and, finally, the inhabitants of the town of Segeda, on 
the Tagus, entered into an alliance with the Numan- 
tines, who lived further up the river, and began to 
rebuild their walls. Several commanders were sent 
against them, and Lucullus compelled them to sue for 
peace ; but the Senate refused to grant terms, and the 
war continued. 

At the same time, the Lusitanian shepherds made 
frequent inroads on the further province, which the 
praetor Galba endeavored to repress, but was defeated, 



CAPTURE OF NUMANTIA. 77 

and barely escaped with a few horse. The next year, 
he forced them to make submission, but, receiving 
them with pretended kindness, ordered them to meet 
him in three bodies, at different places, and, when 
they came, fell upon them, and massacred them. 
Viriathus then took command of the Lusitanians who 
had escaped ; and for several years his successes were 
only interrupted during the brief command of Metellus 
Macedonicus ; for, when he was succeeded by Q. Pom- 
peius, matters returned to their former state. 

The consul Mancinus (137 B.C.) was obliged to 
capitulate, and, to save himself and his army, made a 
treaty, which the Senate refused to sanction ; and 
Mancinus was delivered up to the enemy, as Postu- 
mius had been surrendered to the Sabines; but the 
Spaniards, like the Sabines, refused to accept him as a 
substitute for the fulfilment of the treaty. 

Viriathus was assassinated soon after, and his people 
were then subdued ; and the pacification was ably con- 
ducted by Dec. Junius Brutus (138 B.C.). The Numan- 
tine War continued, until by the strictest blockade, 
under Scipio, the inhabitants of the town of Numantia 
were reduced to the verge of starvation ; and then, 
only, they surrendered (133 B.C.). The town was so 
effectually destroyed that even its site cannot be dis- 
covered. Scipio added to his name "Numantinus," in 
honor of the conquest. 



CHAPTER XVI. 
The Gracchi. 

While the Numantine War was still in progress, 
the slaves in Sicily broke into rebellion ; and their 
numbers increased so rapidly that it was five years 
before they could be subdued. 

For a long time, slave labor had been taking the 
place of that of freemen. The supply was rendered 
enormous by constant wars, and by regular slave-trade 
carried on with the shores of the Black Sea and Greece. 
The owners of the slaves became an idle aristocracy, 
rendered so by their perfect immunity from labor. 
They were jealous of each other and of the more 
powerful classes of the state ; and, having full leisure 
to shape their discontents into action, they only needed 
a leader to divide the Roman Empire against itself. 

The steady growth of the power of the people en- 
couraged still further encroachments on the preroga- 
tives of the senatorial class ; so that every thing was 
ripe, on the advent of Tiberius Gracchus, for the array- 
ing of the people against the Senate, thus ushering in 
the contest which only ended with the Republic, and 
brought to the surface some of the proudest names of 
Roman history. 

On one side or the other, we find them — Marius and 
Sulla, Pompey and Caesar, Antony and Augustus — 
arraying Rome against herself, till the glories of the 



REFORMS OF THE GRACCHI. 79 

republic were swallowed up in the misrule and dis- 
honor of the empire. 

Tiberius Gracchus, immediately on his election' as 
tribune, set about reforming the abuses which had 
crept into the state ; but he did this in a manner so 
peremptory and violent as to deprive his efforts of all 
their effect. He proposed to limit the amount of pub- 
lic lands any head of a family could own to five hun- 
dred jugera (about 320 acres). This was a direct blow 
at the wealthy classes, as they naturally had obtained 
possession of the greater portion of the lands. Another 
tribune was induced to veto the bill; and Gracchus 
immediately procured the deposition of his adversary, 
after which the law was passed. 

Having injured his popularity by his indiscretion, he 
sought to regain it by presenting laws certain of popular 
approval. The term of military service was to be 
shortened ; jurors w r ere to be chosen from all owning a 
certain amount of property, not from the senators only ; 
and an appeal was to be established from the courts to 
the assembly of the people. These reforms enabled him 
to obtain a second election, which was claimed to be 
illegal ; and, to prevent his profiting by it, he was mur- 
dered, with some three hundred of his followers, in a 
brawl. 

Thus was shed the first blood of the Civil War (b.c. 
133). His mantle fell to his brother Caius Gracchus, 
who persisted in the course laid out by Tiberius. He 
also endeavored to admit all the Italians to the privi- 
leges of Roman citizenship, and to limit the price of 
bread, as a means of increasing his popularity. Against 
the Senate he established the first permanent court of 
justice in Rome, — that for trying the cases of provin- 



80 CAIUS MARIUS. 

cial magistrates accused of corrupt dealings in their 
government. He took all judicial power from the 
Senate's hands, and gave it to a council ; deprived it of 
its supervision of public roads, and the apportionment 
of the provinces between the consuls. 

The enlargement of the privileges of the Italians 
ruined the popularity of Caius Gracchus ; and (121 b.g.), 
like his brother, he fell in a riot. By his death, the 
senatorial party recovered somewhat of their authority ; 
but the fierceness with which party strife raged made 
the people eager to accept the rule of any one who 
should have the ability to control the factions of the 
state. 

This man was found in Caius Marius, born at Arpi- 
num, whose sole recommendations were that he was in- 
flexible in his determination, and an excellent soldier. 
He sprung from an old, though rustic family ; contemned 
the polite education of the times ; was very supersti- 
tious ; and always accompanied by a Syrian prophetess, 
in whose counsels he had implicit faith. He flattered 
the populace, and delighted to appear among them as 
an equal. He possessed great wealth, acquired in war, 
and was considered a man of incorruptible integrity. 
His talents as a general were marked. He had few 
friends ; for the prominent features of his character were 
bitterness, hatefulness, and cruelty. But he was, at the 
same time, the man to save Rome, the degradation 
of which had been brought about by those who op- 
posed him. At the siege of Numantia, in Spain, Scipio 
had noticed the courage of Marius, and predicted a 
brilliant career for him. 

In 119 b.c, he obtained the office of tribune ; two 
years later, that of praetor. Not long after, he married 



JUGURTHA. 81 

the great-aunt of Caesar, Julia. He then went to Nu- 
midia, as lieutenant of Metellus, to assist in conducting 
the war against Jugurtha. 

The foreign wars during this period were impor- 
tant. The Balearic Isles, Pergamus, and Dalmatia 
were added to the Roman empire. But by far the 
most important war was that against Jugurtha (118- 
104 B.C.). 

After the destruction of Carthage, the most impor- 
tant kingdom in Africa was Numidia, which contained 
numerous and flourishing cities, the centres of great 
commerce. 

Upon the death of Masinissa, the kingdom had been 
divided among his three sons, two of whom soon died, 
leaving the government wholly in the hands of Micipsa, 
the surviving son. He had two sons, between whom 
he intended to divide the kingdom. With these two 
sons, he had educated also a natural son of one of his 
deceased brothers, named Jugurtha, who was adopted 
by Micipsa, and shared with his two cousins the king- 
dom at Micipsa's death (118 B.C.). 

Jugurtha was very talented, but bold, cunning, and 
adroit. He had no idea of the sanctity of an oath, no 
honesty, and no humanity. He soon quarrelled with 
his cousins, murdered one, and compelled the other to 
flee. The exile went to Rome, and there pleaded his 
case. Jugurtha hastened also to Rome, to convince 
the Senate with what had now become the weightiest 
of arguments, gold, of the propriety of his conduct. 

The Senate was purchased, and decreed that Numidia 
should be divided between Jugurtha and the fugitive. 

Jugurtha now made war on his cousin, and, gaining 
possession of his person, put him to death. 
4* p 



82 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

Again Rome interfered, and again the Senate was 
bought off; but the people refused to make any terms 
with the murderer, and war was declared with Jugur- 
tha. 

The conduct of the war fell, after some reverses, to 
Metellus (109 B.C.), who restored the discipline of the 
army, and drove Jugurtha from his throne. In this 
he was ably seconded by Marius, who was at this time 
about fifty years old. 

During this war, Marius returned to Rome, and ob- 
tained the office of consul (107 b.c.) ; and also received 
the command to bring the war against Jugurtha to a 
close. Metellus retired to Rome in disgust. It required 
two campaigns for Marius to conclude the war. 

The capture of Jugurtha was directly due to Lucius 
Cornelius Sulla (Sylla), who delivered him to Marius, 
but claimed all the honor of the exploit. 

In 104 b.c, Marius returned to Rome, and entered 
the city in triumph. Jugurtha was thrown into a dun- 
geon, and there starved to death. 



CHAPTER XVII. 
The Cimbri and Teutones. — The Social "War. 

The war against Jugurtlia was thus concluded, and 
it was none too soon ; for Rome required the talents of 
Marius in a war compared with which that against 
the Numidian king was insignificant. 

The Cimbri and Teutones, races from Northern 
Europe, were threatening the frontiers of Italy. The 
Roman armies had been annihilated by these barbarians 
a short time previous to this (106 B.C.), on the banks of 
the Rhone. 

Marius, now the only man on whom the nation fixed 
its hopes, was made consul for a second time (104 B.C.). 

The barbarians, after their victory on the Rhone, had 
fortunately turned to Spain, and spent a few years in 
roaming over and laying waste that country. 

Marius now devoted his energies to forming and 
training a new army. 

The elements of which the Roman armies had former- 
ly consisted had degenerated of late years. The task of 
Marius to make well-disciplined soldiers out of the ma- 
terial he had on hand was a difficult one. He chose 
the field on the banks of the Rhone, in the southern 
part of Gaul, as the best for exercising his troops. 
Here he accustomed them to the greatest possible ex- 
ertions. Many perished under the hardships ; but those 
who survived became hardened soldiers. At length, in 



84 AQUJE SEXTIJE. 

his fourth consulship (102 B.C.), he marched against the 
enemy. 

When the barbarians returned from Spain (102 B.C.), 
they separated their forces, the Cimbri marching around 
the northern foot of the Alps towards Noricum, with 
the intention of invading Italy from that quarter, the 
Teutones remaining in Gaul. 

Marius finally came to an engagement with the Teu- 
tones in the neighborhood of Aquae Sextiae (Aix), in the 
summer of 102 b.c. The battle raged for two days, 
and ended in the utter defeat of the barbarians. Those 
who survived the battle put an end to themselves of 
their own accord. 

The Cimbri, in the mean while, had crossed the Alps, 
and were ravaging the fertile fields of Lombardy, meet- 
ing with but little opposition by Catulus, the other 
consul. 

The next year, Marius, now consul for the fifth time, 
joined Catulus, and won a decisive victory near Ver- 
cellse. The fate of the Cimbri was the same as that of 
the Teutones. The victories of Aquae Sextiae and 
Verceilae raised Marius to a dangerous eminence. 

Never, since the establishment of the republic, had 
a single citizen so far outshone all rivals. 

Had Marius possessed real statesmanship, he might 
have anticipated the work of Julius Caesar, and have 
become the permanent head of the state. But, though 
sufficiently ambitious, he lacked judgment and firm- 
ness. He had no clear and definite views, either of the 
exact position to which he aspired, or of the means 
whereby he was to attain it. His course was marked 
by hesitation and indecision. Endeavoring to please 
all parties, he pleased none. At first, he gave his sane- 



SATURNINUS AND GLAUCIA. 85 

tion to a long series of measures which aimed at secur- 
ing the favor of the lower orders. 

It is hard to give a clear account of what happened 
at Rome at this time. Marius formed connections with 
two rascals, Apuleius Saturninus and Servilius Glaucia. 
The former, a plebeian by birth, an eloquent speaker, 
and bitter enemy of the Senate, was appointed tribune of 
the people ; the latter, of noble origin, was chosen prae- 
tor. Their election was stained by the murder of one 
Nonius, who was a competitor of Saturninus for the 
tribuneship. 

Saturninus caused to be passed some agrarian laws, 
which granted (1) to the poor citizens all the country 
which had been occupied by the Cimbri in the northern 
part of Italy, north of the Po ; (2) one hundred acres 
of land in Africa to the veterans of Marius. 

The Senate refused at first to sanction these laws, 
but afterwards consented, except Metellus Numidicus, 
who was exiled for his refusal. 

At the next consular elections, riots occurred. The 
Senate declared Saturninus and Glaucia public enemies, 
and thereupon seized the capitol. 

Marius, seeing his associates likely to be worsted, 
deserted them. They were seized, and put to death. 

The fall of Saturninus was followed (99 b.c.) by the 
recall of Metellus from banishment, and the voluntary 
exile of the haughty and now generally unpopular 
Marius. That great general, but poor statesman, retired 
to Asia, and visited the court of Mithridates, king of 
Pontus. For the next eight years (99-91 B.C.), Rome 
enjoyed a season of comparative quiet. 

Livius Drusus, of noble birth and large fortune, a 
thorough aristocrat, full of energy and pride, when 



86 SOCIAL WAR. 

elected tribune undertook to conciliate the people by 
the redivision of lands, and the distribution of wheat, 
and the admittance of the Italians to the rights of Ro- 
man citizenship. 

But the Roman conservatives violently opposed him, 
and finally had him assassinated (91 B.C.). 

The death of Drusus drove the Italians to despair ; 
and, finding their champion murdered, and their hopes 
dashed to the ground, they rose in arms. Eight nations 
entered into close alliance, chose Corfinium, in the 
Pelignian Apennines, for their capital, and formed a 
federal republic, to which they gave the name of Italia. 

This war, called the Social War (90-88 B.C.), i.e. war 
of the allies, was at first attended with great success. 
The allies overran Campania, defeated the Romans a 
number of times, and entered into negotiations with 
the Northern Italians, whose fidelity began to waver. 

Rome, seeing that she could not subdue the rebellion 
by force of arms, determined to make concessions, and, 
by the Julian and Plotian laws, granted to the Italians 
all that they ever demanded. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 
Marius and Sulla. 

With the name of Marius is usually coupled that of 
Sulla, who was over twenty years his junior. Sulla and 
Marius were men of two different generations ; and 
this circumstance added to the aversion which existed 
between them. While the former was of noble birth, 
the latter was a soldier, who had risen by his talents 
and fortune. 

In the Jugurthine war, Sulla had been quaestor of 
Marius, and had taken a prominent part in the capture 
of the king. Fortune accompanied him everywhere; 
and it was this good fortune that drew the attention of 
the people towards him. Marius acquired great merits 
in the Social War ; but Sulla eclipsed his fame. Marius 
was under the influence of the sad feeling — which 
must be particularly painful to an old man — that the 
rising sun outshone him, and made him invisible. 
Sulla thus called forth in Marius a spirit of opposition. 

Marius, who was insatiable in his ambition and love 
of power, was now anxious to obtain the command of 
the war against Mithridates, king of Pontus. But the 
Senate gave the command to Sulla. Marius, impelled 
by his irresistible desire to humble his adversary, in- 
duced the tribune, Publius Sulpicius, to make a plebis- 
citum (i.e. a law passed by the comitia tributa, at the 
motion of the tribune), by which the command was 



88 FLIGHT OF MARIUS. 

taken from Sulla. ' Sulla was naturally exasperated at 
this unjustifiable course, and immediately marched to 
Rome at the head of six legions, compelling Marius to 
leave the city. He fled to Ostia, and from there along 
the coast to Minturnae, from which place he sailed to 
Africa, where for a time he lived quietly, watching 
the course of events. 

Meanwhile, at Rome, Sulla proscribed his enemies, 
repealed the bill of Sulpicius, and put Sulpicius himself 
to death. But he could not remain long at the capital. 
The affairs of the East called him away ; and no sooner 
was he gone than the flames of civil war burst out 
afresh. 

A man named China now came forward as the head 
of the party of Marius. He recalled the aged exile ; 
and, supported by the Italians, marched upon Rome. 
The city was captured. Marius caused himself to be 
made consul the seventh time (January, 86 B.C.), and 
Cinna the second. The victory thus gained was fol- 
lowed by the wildest cruelties. Marius had a body- 
guard of slaves, whom he sent out to murder those 
whom he wished to get rid of. The houses" of the rich 
were plundered ; and the honor of the noble families 
exposed to the mercy of slaves. But the death of 
Marius, sixteen days after he entered upon his consul- 
ship, put an end to the shedding of blood, but not to 
the bitter party spirit. 

During the three years which followed the death of 
Marius, Sulla was conducting the war against Mithri- 
dates in Achaia and Asia, and Italy was completely 
under control of the party of Cinna. 

In 84 b.c, Cinna himself was murdered, when on the 
eve of setting out against Sulla in Asia. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

The Mithridatic War. 

The kingdom of Pontus, an offshoot of Persia, was 
founded by Ariobarzanes I. in 363 B.C. Six kings of 
little note followed him, until, in 120 B.C., Mithridates 
VI., surnamed the " Great," ascended the throne. He 
was yet a minor when his father died. But he em- 
ployed his time well in training both his mind and 
body, — the former, by the study of languages, of which 
he is said to have spoken twenty-five ; the latter, by 
perpetual hunting expeditions in the roughest and most 
remote regions. 

On reaching the age of twenty, he endeavored to ex- 
tend his dominions, wherever he could, without coming 
in contact with the Romans. In the short space of 
seven years, he added to his kingdom Lesser Armenia, 
Colchis, the entire eastern coast of the Black Sea, the 
Chersonesus Taurica (Crimea). 

Mithridates first came in contact with the Romans as 
follows : — 

The family of the kings of Cappadocia had become 
extinct, and Mithridates gave the throne to his brother ; 
but the Romans set up an opposing king against him. 

Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, was also incited by the 
Romans to attack the king of Pontus, but was defeated ; 
and his own brother was set up against him by Mithri- 
dates. 



90 CIIjERONEIA. 

The Romans now openly interfered, and spoke to 
Mithridates in a tone as if he had been the offender. 
Nothing could be more unjust. They collected three 
armies against him (composed chiefly of effeminate in- 
habitants of Asia Minor), which were easily defeated 
by the well-disciplined troops of Mithridates. 

The whole of Asia Minor soon recognized Mithri- 
dates as their sovereign. This induced him to cross 
over into Greece, where he was received with univer- 
sal joy ; and nearly the whole of Greece submitted to 
him. 

Most of the Greek towns in Lydia and Caria were 
provoked by the Romans ; and, being encouraged by 
Mithridates, put to death on one day some 80,000 Ro- 
mans. This act demanded vengeance, and called forth 
the utmost exertions on the part of the Romans. 

The Senate, as we have seen, gave the command to 
Sulla, 87 B.C. The same year, Sulla went to Thessaly. 

Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, held possession 
of Greece. Sulla met his forces on the field of Ckaero- 
neia, 86 B.C., and totally defeated them. He then at- 
tacked Athens, which was occupied by a Pontic garrison, 
and, after a long siege, captured the city, and thus ob- 
tained control of the whole of Greece. 

Sulla then concluded a peace with Mithridates on 
these conditions : The king was to give up Bithynia, 
Paphlagonia, and Cappadocia, and withdraw to his for- 
mer dominions. He was also to pay a sum of $2,000,- 
000, and surrender 70 ships of war. 

Having thus settled matters in Asia Minor, and pun- 
ished the Lydians and Carians, in whose dominions the 
Romans had been massacred, by compelling them to pay 
at once five years' tribute, Sulla was ready to return to 



THE MARIAN FAC'±~ 

Rome. But this was an undertaking of no t 
portions. 

The Marian faction had at their disposal an army o*. 
nearly 200,000 men, ready to repel Sulla as soon as he 
attempted to land on his native shores. 



CHAPTER XX. 



Sulla in Italy. 



Sertorius in Spain, 
tacus. 



Spar- 



Sulla had early announced his intention of punish- 
ing his enemies in Italy ; and every preparation was 
made by the Marian party for his reception. An at- 
tempt was made to win the people by means of the 
ever popular agrarian law, and the extension of the 
franchise ; but no sooner did Sulla land in Italy (83 
B.C.) than the soldiers were induced to desert in im- 
mense numbers ; and, what with incapacity on the one 
hand and bribery on the other, Sulla soon found him- 
self in possession of all lower Italy. 

Among those who hastened to the standard of Sulla 
was young Cn. Pompey, then but twenty-three years 
old, who was destined to become a great man. at a 
time when great men were plenty. It was to his efforts 
that Sulla's success was largely due. The next year, 
the Marian party was joined by the Samnites ; and war 
raged hotter than ever. At length, however, Sulla 
was victorious under the walls of Rome ; and the city 
lay at his mercy. His first act, an order for the 
slaughter of 6,000 Samnite prisoners, whom he had 
taken, was a tit prelude to his conduct in the city. 
Every effort was made to eradicate the last trace of 
Marian blood and sympathy from Italy. Citizens were 
placed on the proscription lists, which condemned 
them to cleath, and their property to be sold. To what 



DEATH OF SULLA. 93 

extent this was carried, we may learn from the fact 
that nearly 5,000 persons are said to have lost their 
lives in this manner. The sales of confiscated property 
were carried on under the eye of the conqueror, and 
the proceeds were disposed of at his caprice. After 
annihilating the popular party, and enacting a series of 
laws re-establishing the supremacy of the Senate, Sulla 
retired, content with a single term as consul, to a coun- 
try seat, where he abandoned himself to every species 
of debauchery, and died a miserable death after about 
a year (79 b.c.). 

He had quieted the contentions of the state by mur- 
dering all who opposed him. As in all measures of 
unrestrained violence some fatal error undoes the work 
intended, so Sulla, by ill-judged clemency, permitted 
the escape of one whose fame was destined to eclipse 
his own, and who finally overthrew both the Senate 
and the people. This was C. Julius Caesar, son-in-law 
to Cinna, and nephew to Marias. When Sulla ordered 
all to divorce their wives of Marian lineage, Caesar 
refused, and was permitted to escape. 

On the death of Sulla, Crassus and M. .ffimilius Le- 
pidus were chosen consuls ; but such was the instability 
of the times, that they were sworn not to raise an army 
during their consulship. Lepidus attempted to evade 
his oath by going to Gaul ; and, when ordered by the 
Senate to return, he marched at the head of his forces. 
He was defeated (78 b.c.) near the city by Crassus and 
Porapey, and soon after died. 

In Spain, affairs were as bad as possible. Quintus 
Sertorius, a partisan of Marius, had escaped (83 B.C.) 
thither during the proscription of Sulla, and by his 
talents and ability had united the Spaniards and Marian 



94 SERT0R1US AND SPARTA C US. 

refugees under his standard (78 B.C.). Success followed 
him, and with it popularity, till finally the Romans in 
Spain became jealous of the favors bestowed on the 
Spaniards, and created a faction. Both Metellus and 
Pompey were sent against him ; but, owing to their 
mutual jealousy, the rebel held his ground. Sertorius 
was not proof against the temptations of prosperity, and 
began to conspire to reinstate his party (the Marians) 
in power at Rome. Perperna, who had been a general 
under Lepidus, after his commander's defeat (cf. page 
93), fled to Sertorius with the remnant of his army ; 
and, imagining that he might supplant Sertorius in 
popularity, caused him to be assassinated. With the 
death of Sertorius fell the Marian party in Spain 
(72 b.c). 

At the same time, a still more dangerous enemy 
was threatening Italy. At Capua, a band of gladiators, 
under the leadership of one of their number, named 
Spartacus, escaped (73 B.C.) from the training school, 
and took up a strong position on Mt. Vesuvius. They 
were joined by large numbers of slaves and outcasts of 
every description, and were soon in a position to defeat 
two praetors who were sent against them. The next 
year, they assumed the offensive ; and Spartacus found 
himself at the head of 100,000 men. Four generals sent 
against him were defeated ; and, for two years, he 
ravaged Italy as he pleased, and even threatened Rome. 
But intestine division showed itself in his ranks : his 
lieutenants grew jealous of him. 

In 71 b.c, the command of the war was given to 
Crassus (the same who won the battle before Rome 
for Sulla), who finished it in six months. Spartacus 
fell fighting bravely near Brundisium. 



SERT0R1US AND SP ART AC US, 95 

Pompey, returning from the Sertorianwar in Spain, 
met 5,000 of those who had escaped from the army of 
Spartacus, whom he slew to a man. Crassus pointed 
the moral of his victory by hanging 6,000 captives, 
whom he had taken along the road from Rome to 
Capua (72 b.c). 



CHAPTER XXI. 

POMPEY AND CEASSUS. MlTHRIDATIC WAR. 

Pompet and Crassus both put themselves forward 
for the consulship ; and, though neither was eligible 
according to law, both were elected (70 B.C.). Reforms 
were immediately begun ; the legislation of Sulla was 
undermined ; and the power of the nobles received a 
check from which it never after recovered. 

No good could be hoped from the union of Crassus 
with Pompey; for each was mortally jealous of the 
other, and each retained his army near Rome. Neither, 
fortunately, desired to proceed to blows. Pompey's 
popularity soon began to wane ; for, though naturally 
allied to the senatorial party, he endeavored to lead 
that of the people. Thus he lost the confidence of the 
one, without gaining that of the other. At this time, 
affairs in the East brought him again prominently to 
favor. 

Mithridates, taking advantage of the trouble at 
Rome, was again in arms. Lucullus was sent (74 b.c.) 
against him, and was everywhere successful ; but one of 
his generals risked an unfortunate battle, and was de- 
feated (67 b.c). The army now mutinied, and refused 
to march further eastward. Thus he was compelled to 
suspend operations ; and, before they could be renewed, 
the command had passed (66 b.c.) to Pompey. 

Pompey earned his appointment to the East by his 



WAR WITH THE PIRATES. 97 

successes against the Greek pirates. From the earliest 
times, these marauders had been in the habit of depre- 
dating on the shores of the Mediterranean. During 
the civil wars of Rome, they had become much bolder ; 
so that the city was compelled to take an active 
part against them. Pompey was placed in charge (67 
B.C.) of the undertaking, and in three months the 
pirates were swept from the sea ; and he was now 
named as the man to conclude the Mithridatic war. 
His appointment was violently opposed by the Senate ; 
but Cicero came to his assistance with his first political 
speech (Pro lege Manilia). The command was at once 
given to him ; and he became virtually dictator in the 
East. 

Pompey went to Asia, speedily drove Mithridates 
from his kingdom, and converted Syria to a Roman 
province. At this time, he was invited to act as 
judge between two aspirants to the Jewish throne, 
and, his decision being contrary to the desires of the 
people, led his army against Jerusalem, which he 
captured after a siege of three months, and installed 
his protege on the throne on condition of an annual 
tribute. Mithridates now returned to Pontus for the 
prosecution of his old design ; but so great was the 
terror inspired by the Roman arms, that even his own 
son refused to join him. Desperate at the turn affairs 
had taken, the aged monarch put an end to his own 
life (63 b.c.) ; and with him ended the last formidable 
opposition to Rome in Asia for many years. After an 
absence of nearly seven years, Pompey returned to 
Rome, and received a well-earned triumph. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Conspiracy of Catiline. 

While Pompey was absent in the East, matters 
at Rome were daily becoming worse, and shaping 
themselves for the speedy overthrow of the republic. 
There were many who had suffered under Sulla, and 
who were anxious to regain what they had lost; and 
there were many who, enriched by the dictator, had 
squandered their ill-gotten wealth, and now only waited 
a leader to renew the assault upon the state. The 
Senate was alarmed at the power of the people ; and 
the people distrusted the Senate. One of the creations 
of the time was L. Sergius Catiline, a man of immense 
strength and courage, of good manners, and with all the 
attributes for popularity both with the army and the 
people, but with a character utterly devoid of honesty, 
virtue, or patriotism. Disappointed in his hope of 
obtaining the consulship, he formed (65 b.c.) a plot 
to murder the consuls, and seize their offices. The 
scheme failed, the signal for the attack being prema- 
turely given ; yet, though the guilt of Catiline was 
beyond doubt, he not only escaped punishment, but 
became a formidable candidate for the consulship two 
years later (63 B.C.), when Cicero was elected. Catiline 
then entered into a new plot, which .added to the de- 
signs of the former the burning of the city. This con- 



CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 99 

spiracy was discovered by Cicero, and became the occa- 
sion of his four orations against Catiline. The master- 
spirit was even then allowed to escape ; indeed, so weak 
were the authorities, that his departure from Rome was 
the one thing they most desired. Others of the conspira- 
tors were arrested, and the great danger was passed ; for 
Catiline and his small army were of little importance in 
the field, however dangerous they might be in the city. 
A serious difficulty now arose as to the disposition to be 
made of the prisoners. Cato and Cicero advocated their 
being put to death ; while Caesar opposed to this impris- 
onment for life. The motives of the men are so charac- 
teristic that they form a complete key to their several 
public careers. Cicero, vain and selfish, weak in coun- 
cil, and distrustful of the temper of the people and his 
own ability to rule their factions, feared lest they 
become dangerous enemies to himself : Cato, desiring 
the reformation of the state, would have made 
them an example and warning for the future. The 
one, forgetful of the state, was overcome by personal 
fears : the other, unmindful of self, would have purity 
at any cost. Caesar, careless alike of danger and re- 
form, would have every thing done in strict accordance 
with the laws ; and, a bold and wise statesman, urged 
that nothing was more impolitic than lawless violence 
on the part of rulers. On the one hand, we have the 
timid magistrate and the injudicious reformer : on 
the other, the statesman and politician, with less in- 
tegrity of purpose, perhaps, than the one, less disinter- 
ested patriotism than the other, but, with keener knowl- 
edge and a stronger hand, a far safer guide. A sentence 
of death was voted ; and Cicero, with unseemly haste, 
caused the conspirators to be executed that very night. 



100 CICERO EXILED. 

Catiline was defeated in the field (62 B.C.), and his army 
exterminated. By the suppression of the conspiracy, 
Cicero earned his title of Father of his Country ; by his 
indiscreet use of his power, he brought upon himself 
exile and loss of influence. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

c^sar, pompey, and crassus. the gallic 

Wars. 

In the absence of Pompey, the guidance of affairs 
at Rome had been assumed chiefly by three men, Cato, 
Cicero, and Caesar. Crassus, who is sometimes men- 
tioned with them as a leader, was too indolent, and too 
weak in character, to be of any importance, and was 
influential only by means of his immense wealth. 

Cato was at the head of the senatorial party ; Caesar 
was the acknowledged chief of the Marians ; while 
Cicero held an intermediate position, depending for his 
power almost entirely on his unrivalled eloquence, and 
having the confidence of neither of the two great par- 
ties. Of the three, the one whose influence was the 
greatest was Caesar. Though bankrupt in fortune, 
such was the adroitness of his conduct that at every 
turn of affairs he rose the higher. His star was clearly 
in the ascendant, when Pompey, after an unwise delay 
in the East, at length returned to Rome soon after 
Caesar had gone to Spain to complete the conquest of 
Lusitania. 

On the return of Pompey, who, during his absence, 
had become more and more an object of suspicion to 
the Senate, the city (cf. page 96) was comparatively 
quiet. Caesar was in Spain ; Crassus was unable to 
form a dangerous opposition ; Cato only opposed, with 



102 THE GALLIC WARS. 

seeming success, the desires of the Eastern Conqueror ; 
while Cicero was abject in his overtures for friendship. 

Caesar's return from Spain, where he had been entirely 
successful, offered an opportunity for a change ; and 
every thing was ripe for a coalition against the sena- 
torial, or ruling, party. Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus 
united their interests, and formed what was called 
the first triumvirate. Caesar was elected consul. He 
increased his popularity in every way, — notably, by 
an agrarian law, so carefully framed and worded that 
even its enemies could find no fault with it. And, 
when his term of office was nearly ended, he procured 
his appointment as proconsul to Gaul for five years, 
that he might be near Rome, and watch the events at 
the capital, which his army would enable him largely to 
control. The Senate more readily agreed to this, as Gaul 
was at that time in a state of ferment, and threatened 
serious, if not doubtful, war ; and a failure on the part 
of Caesar would remove him from the number of dan- 
gerous enemies. Caesar increased his intimacy with 
Pompey by giving him his daughter Julia in marriage. 
Before leaving Rome, he procured (58 b.c.) the banish- 
ment of Cicero, on the ground of putting to death the 
Catilinian prisoners without a trial ; and Cato was sent 
to Cyprus, to enforce a law by which that island was 
incorporated in the republic. Cicero was forced to 
take the proconsulship of Cilicia. It was the design of 
Caesar to leave the Senate without a leader who could 
work injury to his cause during his absence ; and in 
this he was eminently politic and successful. 

News from Gaul now called for his immediate presence 
(58 b.c.) ; and for nine years he continued his efforts for 
the subjugation of the country. When peace seemed 



THE GALLIC WARS, 103 

secure, he even carried his conquests to Britain ; and, 
though he obtained no permanent foothold, he opened 
the way for the future conquest of the island. During 
this time, he was called upon to repel several inroads 
of Germans into Gaul, and pursued them into their own 
country. It is said that in these wars not less than one 
million of Gauls and Germans perished. But, if Caesar 
made the defeat of his enemies terrible, when war was 
over, he was a kind and judicious ruler ; and by these 
means he cemented his conquests so firmly to Rome 
that for centuries the loyalty of Gaul was never shaken ; 
and, even then, not before the empire was tottering 
with decrepitude, and compelled to leave Gaul to its 
own devices (52 B.C.). 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Cjssar's Struggle with Pompey. 

During the nine years (59-50 B.C.) passed by Caesar 
in Gaul, many great events occurred at Rome. In the 
interior, anarchy prevailed. The republic needed a 
strong, firm hand, which, at the price even of liberty, 
should ensure security for it, and stop the shedding of 
blood. Pompey had attempted to bring about this re- 
sult ; but it was beyond his ability. Shut up at home 
with his young wife, he let the affairs of state go, and 
gave up every thing to Clodius, who, since Cicero was 
exiled, and Cato away from Rome, ruled supreme. 
Finally, however, Pompey shook off his inertia, and 
obtained the recall of Cicero (57 B.C.), who returned 
triumphant, " borne upon the shoulders of all Italy." 

This was the signal for a reaction against Clodius. 
Milo placed himself at the head of the Senate, and 
slew his adversary upon the Appian Way. Pompey, 
delighted at having got rid of Clodius, obtained the 
exile of Milo. 

During the interval of the two campaigns of 57-56 
B.C., Caesar renewed his alliance with his two colleagues 
in interviews that took place at Ravenna and Lucca. 
He renewed for himself the command of Gaul ; Pom- 
pey, that of Spain ; Crassus, that of Syria. 

Crassus was jealous of the exploits of Caesar. He 
wished also to obtain military renown, and undertook 



DEATH OF CRASSUS. 105 

the war against the Parthians. His son, who had dis- 
tinguished himself in Gaul, accompanied him as lieu- 
tenant (55 B.C.). They arrived at Zeugma, a city of 
Syria, on the Euphrates ; and the Romans, seven legions 
strong, with 4,000 cavalry, drew themselves up along the 
river. The quaestor Cassius, a man of ability, proposed 
to Crassus a plan of the campaign, which consisted in 
following the river as far as Seleucia, in order not to 
he separated from his fleet and provisions, and to avoid 
being surrounded by the cavalry of the enemy. But 
Crassus allowed himself to be deceived by an Arab chief, 
who allured him to the sandy plains of Mesopotamia. 

The forces of the Parthians, divided into many bodies, 
suddenly rushed upon the Roman ranks, and drove 
them back. The young Crassus attempted a charge at 
the head of 1,500 horsemen. The Parthians yielded, 
but only to draw him into an ambush, where he perished, 
after great deeds of valor. His head, carried on the 
end of a pike, was borne before the eyes of his unhappy 
father, who, crushed by grief and despair, gave the 
command into the hands of Cassius. 

Cassius gave orders for a general retreat. The Par- 
thians subjected the Roman army to continual losses. 
Crassus, shortly after, was killed (53 B.C.) in a con- 
ference. 

Thus terminated the expedition of Crassus. In this 
disastrous campaign there perished more than 20,000 
Romans. Ten thousand prisoners were taken, and com- 
pelled to serve as slaves in the army of the Parthians. 

The death of Crassus broke the triumvirate ; that of 
Julia broke the family ties between Caesar and Pompey, 
who then married Cornelia, the widow of the young 
Crassus. 



106 CAESAR CROSSES THE RUBICON. 

Caesar wished to become a second time candidate 
for the consulship the year following the termination 
of his proconsulship in Gaul. But he wished first to 
celebrate his triumph, and would not, on this account, 
disband his army ; for, according to the Roman cus- 
tom, he could not triumph without it. According to 
another custom, however, he was obliged to disband it 
before he could offer himself as a candidate for the con- 
sulship. But, setting aside this custom, he demanded 
permission to become a candidate, while he was in his 
province in command of the army. 

He then intended, after his election, to return with 
his forces to Rome, celebrate his triumph, and then dis- 
band his troops. 

The party of Pompey demanded that he should dis- 
band his army, come to Rome as a private citizen, and 
thus sue for the consulship ; but he was convinced that 
such a course could be taken only at the peril of his life. 

The question was discussed in the Senate. The 
party of Pompey was predominant. He had troops in 
the city; but it was resolved that Caesar should be 
ordered to resign his command. 

The tribunes opposed the decree, but were not lis- 
tened to, and were even threatened by the consuls, and 
compelled to flee. They went directly to Ravenna, on 
the frontier of Cisalpine Gaul, where Caesar and his 
army were stationed. 

When Caesar received the command of the Senate to 
give up his army, his passion gained the upper hand, 
and he resolved to march upon Italy. He crossed (49 
B.C.) the Rubicon, and went to Ariminum, where he met 
the tribunes who had fled to him. 

Here he was met by ambassadors from Pompey, with 



CAESAR'S manceuvres. 107 

orders that lie should withdraw from Ariminum, return 
to Gaul, and disband his army. Caesar considered this 
an unjust demand, as it would leave Pompey with entire 
control over Italy. 

Accordingly, he despatched his lieutenant, Marcus 
Antonius, to take possession of Arretium, and himself 
remained at Ariminum with two legions, and deter- 
mined to hold a levy there. 

He also occupied Pisaurus, Fanus, and Ancona. In 
a word, all Italy was soon at his feet. Pompey went to 
Brundisium. He wished to keep this place, in order 
to have a landing-place for his fleet, in case Caesar went 
to Spain. 

Caesar also took this place. He now went to Rome, 
where he acted as absolute master. He had the treas- 
ury broken open, as the keys were concealed ; and he 
disposed of every thing as a sovereign. Thus all Italy 
was under his control. 

In Spain, Pompey's party was predominant. Afra- 
nius and Petreius, his lieutenants, were there with 
seven legions. 

Africa was also occupied by his party ; and it was 
confidently hoped that Gaul would rise against Caesar. 

After having arranged matters at Rome, Caesar 
marched to Southern Gaul on his way to Spain. He 
left troops to lay siege to Massilia, and hastened him- 
self to Spain. 

Afranius and Petreius were stationed at Herd a, in 
Northern Spain. 

Caesar brought all his military talent into play, and 
soon compelled them to capitulate. Thus Caesar was at 
once master of all Spain. Shortly afterwards, Massilia 
was also captured. 



108 CjESAR in epirus. 

On his return to Rome, Caesar was made dictator : 
within a very short time, he made the most necessary 
regulations at Rome. After his army had returned 
from Spain, and new legions were levied, he set out 
towards Brundisium. It was now nearly twelve 
months since Pompey had left Rome. 

He had taken up his winter quarters in Thessaly, 
where he had collected troops in great numbers. He 
also had at his disposal a large fleet. 

Caesar, through the neglect of the Pompeian ad- 
mirals, crossed the Adriatic unopposed, January, 48 b.c. 

With forces very inferior to those of Pompey, Caesar 
advanced towards Dyrrachium, and ventured to besiege 
Pompey, who was stationed there. This was an attack 
which Pompey did not care much about, as he received 
his supplies from the sea. Caesar, who had no such 
means of providing for his army, was obliged to forage 
in the country. He tried to bring the war to a close 
at Dyrrachium. On one occasion, when he made an 
attack upon the place, he was repulsed with consider- 
able loss. His soldiers began to despond ; and he him- 
self nearly despaired of success. 

After this catastrophe, Caesar left Dyrrachium, and 
marched through Epirus into Thessaly. 

Pompey followed him into Thessaly, where the lat- 
ter had already chosen his position in the neighbor- 
hood of Pharsalus, situated upon a rocky eminence, 
attached to the chain of the Othrys. Pharsalus is sur- 
rounded by a vast plain. There was fought one of the 
decisive battles in the world's history. The army of 
Pompey, consisting of 47,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry, 
was twice as large as that of Caesar in infantry, and 
seven times as large in cavalry ; but the disdainful 



PHARSALUS AND ZELA. 109 

confidence of the Pompeians increased the strength. of 
the well-practised legions of Caesar. 

The battle (August, 48 b.c.) lasted a long time, be- 
fore either party gained any advantage. Finally, Pom- 
pey's forces were defeated. Pompey threw off his 
insignia of command, mounted his horse, and hastened 
the shortest way to the sea, and, seeing a vessel weigh- 
ing anchor, embarked with a few companions, who ac- 
companied him in his flight. 

Pompey went to Mitylene, and from there to Egypt, 
hoping to obtain an asylum from the young king, 
Ptolemy. Upon his arrival, he was seized and be- 
headed (28th September, 48 b.c). 

Meanwhile, Caesar pursued his victory with an inde- 
fatigable activity, and set sail for Egypt. Upon his 
arrival, the head of his enemy was brought to him. 
Caesar turned from the sight, with tears in his eyes. 
The murderers now saw what would be their fate. 
Ptolemy was at variance with his sister, the famous 
Cleopatra. Caesar took the part of the sister against 
the brother. The inhabitants of Alexandria revolted, 
and besieged Caesar in the palace ; but, with a handful 
of soldiers, he bravely baffled their attacks. Setting 
fire to the neighboring buildings, he escaped to his 
ships. Afterwards he returned, and wreaked ven- 
geance upon the Alexandrians, establishing Cleopatra 
firmly upon the throne (47 b.c). 

Satisfied with this vengeance, Caesar left Egypt and 
went to Pontus, where Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, 
was inciting a revolt against Rome. 

Caesar attacked and defeated him at Zela (47 B.C.) 
with a rapidity rendered proverbial by the words, Veni, 
vidi, vici. 



110 SUCCESS OF CAESAR. 

Upon his return to Rome, Caesar conciliated the 
people by liberal measures. 

Next, Caesar crossed over into Africa, where the 
Pompeians gathered around Cato, Metellus Scipio, and 
Juba, king of Numidia. 

On the 4th of April, 46 B.C., Caesar invested Thapsus, 
which Scipio endeavored in vain to defend. Scipio 
wished to take refuge in Spain ; but, overtaken by a 
storm, and fearing to fall into the hands of the enemy, 
he threw himself into the sea. 

Cato took refuge in Utica, and, seeing that all was 
lost, committed suicide. 

The two sons of Pompey, Cneius and Sextus, fled to 
Spain, and w^ere the only ones who could now even 
make a show of resisting Caesar. After some bloody 
but indecisive engagements, the Pompeians posted 
themselves at Munda for a final battle. This was 
fought on the 17th of March, 45 B.C., and ended in a 
complete victory for Caesar. Spain submitted. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Cesar Perpetual Dictator. — His Murder. 

CLesar now returned to Rome, and centred in him- 
self all power, creating himself dictator for life, sole 
consul, tribune, pontifex maximus, &c. The Senate, 
at the proposal of Cicero, gave him the title of " Father 
of his Country," and the right to wear a crown of 
laurels. The fifth month (Quintilis), in which he was 
born, was named Julius (July). 

In his first triumph, he displayed, among other 
wonders, the Rhine, the Rhone, and the ocean, repre- 
sented in gold, as a reminder of the conquest of Gaul. 

In his second triumph, the images of the Nile, and 
of Arsinoe, wife of King Ptolemy, were displayed all 
sparkling in the light. 

The third triumph represented Pharnaces and Pon- 
tus. 

The fourth, Juba, the Moors, and Spain twice subju- 
gated. 

Cato, Petreius, and Scipio were represented as pierc- 
ing themselves with their swords. 

Caesar, now absolute master of Rome and of the 
entire world, conceived and carried into execution 
great reforms and useful works. He built a temple to 
Mars, reformed the calendar, and built a large harbor 
at Ostia (north of the Tiber) ; also a road from the 
Adriatic to the Tyrrhenian sea, over the Apennines. 



112 CONSPIRACY AGAINST CAESAR. 

An immense amphitheatre was built at the foot of the 
Tarpeian rock in Rome. 

In the midst of these plans, he was stopped by death. 

Cassius Longinus, an old lieutenant of Crassus, had 
shown great courage in the war against the Parthians. 
At Pharsalus, he fought on Pompey's side, but was 
afterwards pardoned by Caesar. He was married to a 
sister of Brutus, whom he won over to his designs of 
a conspiracy for the murder of Caesar. 

Marcus Junius Brutus, nephew and son-in-law of 
Cato, generous, but narrow-minded, a firm Stoic, had 
also fought at Pharsalus on Pompey's side, and been 
pardoned by Caesar. Caesar had great affection for 
him, and called him his son. Brutus believed it his 
duty to crush all tender sentiments, and to aid Cassius 
in the re-establishment of the republic. 

Cassius, 'twas said, hated the tyrant ; and Brutus, 
tyranny. These conspirators were soon joined by 
others. Among them were persons of all parties ; and 
men, who had fought against one another at Pharsalus, 
now went hand in hand. No proposals were made to 
Cicero, who was at an advanced age, and could not 
have consented to take away the life of him to whom 
he himself owed his own. Caesar's conduct towards 
those who had fought in the ranks of Pompey, and 
afterwards returned to him, was extremely noble. All 
who knew Cicero must have been convinced that he 
would not have given his consent to the plan of the 
conspirators. And, if they themselves ever gave the 
matter a serious thought, they must have owned that 
it was, in fact, very absurd to fancy that the republic 
could be restored by the death of Caesar. 

It is said that the murder of Caesar was the most 



DEATH OF CESAR. 113 

senseless act that the Romans ever committed ; and a 
truer word was never spoken. 

Caesar was cautioned in various ways to be on his 
guard, as more danger threatened him ; but to no pur- 
pose. 

On the morning of the 15th of March, 44 B.C., Deci- 
mus Brutus treacherously enticed him to go with him 
to the Senate-house. As soon as Caesar took his seat, 
the conspirators came around him, and Tullius Cimber 
advanced to pray for the pardon of his exiled brother ; 
and, while the rest joined their entreaties, laid hold of 
Caesar's hand, and kissed his head and breast. 

As Caesar resisted their importunity, and suddenly 
attempted to rise, Cimber, with both hands, pulled 
Caesar's garment down from the shoulders ; and an- 
other, who had placed himself behind the chair, stabbed 
him in the neck. Turning round, Caesar seized the 
dagger, and held it fast. " What are you doing, vil- 
lain ! " he cried. The first blow was struck ; and the 
whole pack fell upon their noble victim. Wherever he 
turned, he met only bare daggers, and was driven about 
like a wild beast. Cassius stabbed him in the face, and 
Marcus Brutus in the groin. He made no more resist- 
ance, but wrapped his gown over his head and the 
lower part of his body, and fell, mortally wounded, at 
the base of Pompey's statue, which was drenched with 
blood. 

The tumult and commotion were now great ; and, in 
their alarm, most of the senators took to flight. Both 
parties were blind at the moment, and knew not what 
was to be done for the future. The tumult at Rome 
lasted for some days. Caesar had fallen on the 15th of 
March, between eleven and twelve o'clock a.m. On 



114 FUNERAL OF CAESAR. 

the 17th, there was a meeting of the Senate to delibe- 
rate upon what was to be done. The conspirators had 
fled to the Capitol ; and public opinion in the city was 
decidedly against them. A great number of Caesar's 
soldiers were in the city, and many others flocked 
thither from other parts; and the excitement was so 
great that there was ground for apprehending acts of 
extreme violence. 

At the funeral of Caesar, Antony, his nearest relative, 
delivered the oration. It produced a fearful effect 
upon the minds of the people ; for he not only dwelt 
upon the exploits of Caesar, amid roars of applause, but, 
after he had excited their minds in the highest degree 
by his recital, he lifted up the bloody toga, and showed 
the people the wounds of the great deceased. The 
multitude were seized with such indignation and rage 
that, instead of allowing the body to be carried to the 
Campus Martius (where it had been resolved to have 
it buried), they immediately raised a pile in the 
forum, and burnt it there. The people then dispersed 
in troops : they broke into the houses of the conspira- 
tors, and destroyed them. Brutus and Cassius fled 
from the city ; and the other conspirators dispersed 
over the provinces. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

The Second Triumvirate. 

Caesar, in his will, had appointed C. Octavius, the 
grandson of his sister Julia, heir to three-fourths of his 
property ; and his other relatives were to have the re- 
maining fourth. 

Young Octavius was in his nineteenth year when 
Caesar was murdered. When he received the sad in- 
telligence of Caesar's death, he went to Rome, and 
claimed the inheritance of his uncle. Caesar's widow, 
Calpurnia, had intrusted to Marcus Antonius all the 
money in the house, — a large sum ; and she also had 
delivered to him all the dictator's writings and memo- 
randa. 

The arrival of Octavius to claim his inheritance was 
disagreeable to Antony ; for he was unwilling to let the 
property go out of his hands, and tried to deter the 
young man from accepting it. 

But Octavius compelled Antony to surrender Caesar's 
will ; and he put himself in possession of his inheritance, 
so far as it had not been already disposed of by Antony, 
who had secreted a greater part of the money. The 
exasperation between Octavius and Antony rose very 
high at this time : each suspected the other of attempts 
at assassination. 

Strengthened by the support of the people and Sen- 
ate, and by the eloquence of Cicero, who hurled his 



116 DISTRIBUTION OF THE PROVINCES. 

famous "Philippics " against Antony, Octavius appealed 
to the veterans of Cassar, and accepted the struggle. 
Two legions of Antony went over to him. Octavius 
began a campaign with the two consuls, and seized the 
camp of Antony, whom he compelled to leave Italy. 

Octavius now returned to Rome, was nominated 
consul, and became reconciled with Antony. 

A second triumvirate was formed by Octavius, An- 
tony, and Lepidus, November 27, 43 B.C., forming a self- 
constituted board of three, who were to rule the state 
conjointly for five years. 

The provinces were divided as follows : — 

Lepidus was to have Spain and Gallia Narbonensis ; 
Antony, the rest of Gaul beyond the Alps and Gallia 
Cisalpina ; Octavius, Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa. A 
bloody proscription followed : among its victims were 
Cicero and 300 senators and 2,000 knights. 

The triumvirs could now concentrate their energies 
upon the East, whither Brutus and Cassius, the mur- 
derers of Caesar, had fled. 

In 42 B.C., military operations began. Antony and 
Octavius crossed from Italy to Epirus, with forces 
amounting to 130,000 men. They marched unresisted 
through Epirus and Macedonia, and reached Thrace 
before they met Brutus and Cassius. These had col- 
lected the full strength of the East, amounting to 
80,000 infantry and 20,000 cavalry. 

The two armies met at Philippi (November, 42 B.C.) ; 
and the fate of the Roman world was decided in a two- 
fold battle. 

In the first fight, Brutus defeated Octavius ; but 
Antony gained a decisive advantage over Cassius, who 5 
unaware of his colleague's victory, committed suicide. 



BATTLE OF PHILIPPI. 117 

In the second fight, three weeks later, the array of 
Brutus was completely overcome ; and, escaping from 
the field, he could only follow the example of Cassius, 
and kill himself. 

With Brutus fell the republic. The absolute ascen- 
dency of individuals, which is monarchy, was then 
established. 

The immediate result of the victory at Philippi was 
a fresh arrangement of the Roman world among the 
triumvirs. As Antony preferred the East, Octavius 
consented to relinquish it to him ;. and, as a compensa- 
tion, Italy and Spain were given to Octavius. Africa 
fell to Lepidus. 

Octavius tried to establish order in Italy ; but many 
obstacles were to be overcome. Sextus Pompeius, 
who had escaped from Munda, by preventing corn- 
ships from reaching Rome exposed the city to great 
danger from famine. Octavius was obliged to get to- 
gether a fleet. At first, he was defeated by Pompey ; 
but finally, in 36 B.C., he conquered him, together with 
Lepidus, who had joined Pompey through jealousy of 
Octavius's rising power. 

During these events, Antony was in the East, charmed 
by the fascinations of Cleopatra, queen of Egypt. He 
also began to be jealous of Octavius, who was master of 
Italy, and at the head of a powerful party. Antony, 
however, had adopted many customs of the East, and 
was daily becoming more unpopular at Rome. 

Thus, gradually, these two men became more and 
more estranged, until war was openly declared, and 
decided at the battle of Actium, September 2, 31 b.c. 
In this battle, Antony cowardly deserted his fleet be- 
fore the result was decided, and fled with Cleopatra to 



118 DEATH OF ANTONY. 

Egypt. When Antony fled, his fleet lost heart, and 
was annihilated. His land force, after waiting a week 
for his return, surrendered. 

Octavius, the next year, went to Egypt ; and An- 
tony, after a slight resistance, committed suicide. 
Cleopatra followed his example. 

Octavius was now sole master of the Roman world. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Augustus. 

Octavius was received with great enthusiasm at 
Rome ; for all were anxious to secure his favor, while 
they were entirely ignorant as to what course the con- 
queror would pursue. His. first acts, however, removed 
every fear of a renewal of the proscriptions of Marius 
and Sulla, and the revival of the dictatorship. While 
very careful to retain complete control of his conquests, 
by procuring from the Senate the office of Imperator, or 
general of the armies, he did not hesitate to lay down, 
of his own free will, all unusual honors which could in 
any way excite suspicion, and then proceeded to make 
himself the centre of the state by the vote of the Sen- 
ate. To restore this body to something of its ancient 
respectability, he purged it of the additions made by 
Caesar and the triumvirate, and put himself at its head 
as Princeps, or chief. It was the policy of the early 
leaders of the revolution to debase the Senate, the sole 
relic of the republic, as an enemy, and to destroy it by 
making it contemptible. It was the policy of Augustus 
to so far restore its character that, by its authority, he 
might establish his government on a basis of plausible 
legality. Under senatorial sanction, he invested him- 
self successively with the consulship, tribunate, cen- 
sorship, and chief pontificate ; while he claimed for 
himself universal proconsular powers. Thus, while 



120 THE ROMAN PEACE. 

laying down his titles won by the sword, he, in fact, 
retook them by means of a subservient Senate ; and, 
while pretending to restore the glories of the republic, 
he deprived it of every republican feature. 

The people not only submitted to these usurpations, 
but encouraged them. Fifty years of civil war had 
made them anxious for any change which promised 
peace, and an enjoyment of the vast wealth which was 
continually pouring in from the provinces. Peace at 
any price was the universal desire ; and it was to this 
fact that Octavius owed his success. 

As the title of king was so obnoxious to the Romans, 
a new one was invented for Octavius, — that of Augus- 
tus, which lent him dignity, if it did not increase his 
authority ; and it is by this title that he is generally 
known. So gradually and unobtrusively were the 
reforms of Augustus made, and so anxious were the 
Romans for a rest from strife, that we find only two 
very harmless attempts to shake his authority ; and 
when he declared the " Roman Peace," closing the 
gates of the temple of Janus for the first time in more 
than two hundred years (234 B.C.), the people seem to 
have been so charmed with their new luxury that they 
were willing to submit to any rule rather than to 
endanger it even by a murmur. 

One of the first cares of Augustus was to secure the 
tranquillity of the outlying portions of the empire. 

The Parthians in the East, and the Germans on the 
Rhine, made a protracted struggle against the Roman 
power, during which the Germans, under Herrman, 
inflicted on the legions of Varus the most sanguinary 
defeat which had befallen the Roman arms since the 
battle of Cannae. Still, by extending the rights of 



REIGN OF AUGUSTUS. 121 

citizenship to the inhabitants of the provinces, Augus- 
tus not only fastened his empire together, but gave to 
the border nations a new and vital interest in the 
integrity of its boundaries. By taking the control of 
provincial affairs into his own hands, he put an end to 
the misrule of the creatures of the Senate, and replaced 
tyrannical oppression by firm and even justice. The 
empire had reached its limits. After Augustus, but 
two additions, Britain and Dacia, were made to its do- 
minions ; and Rome was abundantly satisfied if able to 
maintain its authority over what it already possessed. 

At home, while he remodelled the state, he found 
time to beautify the capital, and, without burdening his 
subjects, changed it so completely that he was able to 
boast that he found the city of brick, and left it of 
marble. 

In his family, the first emperor was singularly unfor- 
tunate. Having no sons of his own, he adopted those 
of his relatives, and saw the most promising of these 
pass away, and himself threatened with the loss of 
every heir. The conduct of his only child, Julia, caused 
her banishment ; while his anxiety to prevent the em- 
pire from falling to pieces for want of a head did not 
permit him to disinherit her children. 

Augustus died, after seeing his empire well estab- 
lished, at the age of seventy-six years (14 a.d.). He 
was frugal and correct in his personal habits ; quick and 
shrewd in his dealings with men ; bold and ambitious 
in the affairs of state. His greatness consisted rather 
in the ability to abstain from abusing the advantages 
presented by fortune than in the genius which moulds 
the current of affairs to the will. His success depended 
on the temper of the people and the peculiar circum- 



122 CHARACTER OF AUGUSTUS. 

stances of the time. His clearest title to greatness is 
found in the fact that he compelled eighty millions of 
people to live in peace for forty-four years. 

In estimating the character of Augustus, we must 
take into account the writers whose names have given 
to his its brightest lustre, and have made the Augustan 
Age a synonym for excellence in culture, art, and 
government. Vergil, Ovid, Horace, Livy, and a host of 
others, have given his reign a brilliancy unmatched in 
time, which is rather enhanced than diminished by the 
fame of Cicero, Caesar, and Sallust, who preceded him, 
and Tacitus, Seneca, and others, who came after ; for 
they belong to an epoch in which Augustus stands the 
central figure in all which pertains to the arts of peace. 
Tf Roman art and Roman literature were a copy of the. 
Greek, it was a noble imitation ; and if it added to 
its sublimity, its grace and elegance, a subservience 
which borders on servility, it is but an evidence of 
the utter demoralization wrought by the civil wars, 
and of the ecstasy with which peace filled every mind. 
Much allowance must be made for the extravagant 
praises lavished on their hero ; and he must be judged 
by the result of his labors. He made the world to 
centre on one will ; and the destruction of the mighty 
fabric began the moment it fell to feebler or less sincere 
hands. The horrors which marked the reigns of his 
successors were the legitimate result of the irrespon- 
sible sovereignty he established. He formed his em- 
pire for the present, to the utter ignoring of the future. 
Thus it would seem, then, that the part he played was 
that of a shrewd politician, rather than of a wise states- 
man. 



CHAPTER XXVIIL 
The Julian Emperors. 

We now turn our backs for ever on the old Roman 
world, the last vestige of which was swept away by 
Augustus. The virtues, and even the more respectable 
vices, of the greater Rome, were entire strangers to the 
empire ; and, of all that had made her great, there re- 
mained only an empty name and a still emptier pride. 

Augustus was succeeded by Tiberius, son of Livia, 
wife of Augustus and her former husband, Tiberius 
Claudius Nero. During the later years of the life of 
Augustus, Livia had exercised an almost boundless in- 
fluence over the emperor, and, as long as she lived, 
managed to keep her unruly son somewhat within 
bounds of decency. On the death of Livia, Tiberius 
confined himself to a retreat at Capreae, where he 
abandoned himself to brutal sensuality. His throne 
was secured by the murder of Agrippa Posthumus, 
who might, from the popularity of his father's name, 
have become dangerous ; and, somewhat later, by that 
of Germanicus, his nephew. 

Tiberius had shown himself a good soldier and a 
brave man; and everything promised well for his 
reign. But he was morose, sullen, and suspicious. He 
dared not trust the people, but surrounded himself with 
a guard of the Praetorians. He dared not trust his son, 
and set up a favorite, Sejanus, on whom he lavished 



124 CALIGULA. 

every favor, and to whom he intrusted every com- 
mand. The favorite soon found means to carry off the 
young prince by poison, and even looked with longings 
to the crown. After a brief rule, the minister fell 
under well-merited suspicion, and was put to death. 
Then followed a general proscription, in which all 
who could interfere with the safety of the state were 
sacrificed. Not even yet did Tiberius dare to visit his 
capital. Once, indeed, he made the attempt, and sailed 
up the Tiber, having guards on either bank, who drove 
away the populace gathered to welcome his return. 
On coming within sight of the gardens of Caesar, he 
turned back, and did not stop till he regained his island 
retreat. Now began a remarkable period of suicides. 
The wealthy and wise shrunk from witnessing the 
horrors of the times ; and many sought to escape by 
putting an end to their own lives. The misery of the 
reign was, however, confined to the city ; and there is 
no reason to doubt that the rest of the empire enjoyed 
a considerable amount of prosperity. After a reign of 
thirteen years (14-27 a.d.), Tiberius died either in a 
fainting fit or, as is quite as possible, from being 
smothered by his attendants. 

Caligula (37-41 a.d.). 

He was succeeded by Caius, son of Germanicus, bet- 
ter known as Caligula, — a nickname given him by the 
soldiers from the buskins he wore. Caligula was twenty- 
five years old when he began to reign. His constitu- 
tion was weakly. He was subject to fits. He slept 
but little, and then was troubled with most frightful 
dreams. At first, he showed great moderation and 



CALIGULA. 125 

affability. By burning the accusations sent him by 
informers, he won the hearts of the people, eager 
to change the morose old Tiberius for any other 
master. 

This lasted but a very brief time. The celebration 
of his birthday was on a scale of the greatest grandeur ; 
and, from that time, he j)lunged into every excess. An 
illness caused by these excesses convinced him of the 
affections of the people ; and, on his recovery, he threw 
off every restraint. After squandering the wealth he 
had inherited, he put to death wealthy citizens, and 
confiscated their possessions. He is said to have ex- 
pressed a wish that the Roman people had but one 
neck, that he might slay them all at a blow. His 
famous bridge, from the Palatine to the capital, was 
quite equalled by a bridge across the Bay of Baiae. It 
may be the intention was to increase the safety of the 
harbor ; but, at all events, it never served any purpose. 
During this period of his reign, he found time to make 
an expedition into Gaul, and even meditated and pre- 
pared an invasion of Britain. 

After a rule of four years, a conspiracy was formed 
by a tribune of the Praetorian guard ; and the emperor 
was assassinated. At first, the Senate endeavored to 
regain their lost power. But though a strong party 
was in favor of a return to the republic, so many of 
the influential citizens put in claims for the vacant 
office that it became apparent that such a return was 
now impossible. All doubt was dispelled, however, 
when the Praetorians discovered Claudius, an uncle of 
Caligula, hidden in the palace, and, taking him to their 
camp, proclaimed him emperor (41 a.d.). 



126 CLA UDI US A ND NER 0. 



Claudius (41-54 a.d.). 

The new monarch had escaped the fate of the 
other members of the family, only because he did 
not seem to have wit enough to become dangerous. 
He, however, appears to have devoted himself to 
business with much energy and perseverance ; and his 
chief faults, perhaps, were a too great indulgence in 
the luxuries of the table, and a too ready submission to 
the rule of his wives. At home, his rule was mild and, 
without doubt, beneficial. The rigor of his govern- 
ment in the provinces cannot be questioned. The 
conquest of Britain was undertaken by Claudius ; and, 
after a campaign of but sixteen days, he had laid firmly 
the foundation of its final subjection. 

The last wife of Claudius was his niece, Agrippina, 
sister to Caligula. This woman had a son by her for- 
mer husband, Domitius, who was also named Domitius. 
Agrippina induced the emperor to adopt her son, 
who took the name of Nero, by which he is generally 
known, and, to secure still further his succession, be- 
trothed him to Octavia, daughter of Claudius. Every 
thing being ripe, the faithless wife caused her husband 
to be poisoned, and her son to be proclaimed in his 
stead. Claudius, under the influence of evil coun- 
sellors, persecuted some of the noble Romans ; but, 
even in this respect, he was a model of mildness com- 
pared with his predecessors. The obloquy which 
surrounds his name is doubtless due to the necessity 
of disparaging him, that Nero might be the more 
favorably received. 



NERO. 127 

Nero (54-68 a.d.). 

Nero was sixteen years old when he began (54 a.d.) 
to reign. During the first five years of his reign, he 
was under the influence of Seneca and Burrhus, pre- 
fect of the Praetorians ; and his government was, with 
few exceptions, the most respectable since Augustus. 
It was certainly during this period that Britannicus, son 
of the late emperor, was put to death. But this was 
due rather to the fears and policy of Agrippina than to 
the cruelty or malice of Nero. 

His masters kept the young emperor amused, and 
removed from the cares of state, until he became en- 
tangled with Poppaea, wife of Salvius Otho. Both 
were married ; but Nero, who had only used Octavia 
as a stepping-stone to fortune, felt no scruples in di- 
vorcing her ; and Otho was sent on a distant mission, 
and afterwards divorced with as little compunction. 
The only real obstacle was the active and dangerous 
Agrippina, who was entirely unwilling to share her au- 
thority over her son with another. Her death was 
determined on ; and neither Seneca nor Burrhus felt 
strong enough to refuse to counsel, or at least connive 
at, her murder. An attempt was made to drown her in 
the Bay of Baiaa, and, that failing, she was despatched 
by the hands of assassins. Poppaea then obtained com- 
plete control of the emperor. Octavia was banished, 
and afterwards murdered, when Poppaea became her 
successor. 

It would be useless to follow the crimes of Nero from 
this time in detail. Poppaea died from a kick adminis- 
tered by her imperial husband. The wealthy were 
plundered and put to death. The death of Burrhus 



128 GALBA. 

and the withdrawal of Seneca released Nero from every 
restraint; and he no longer hesitated to "outrage the 
feelings of his subjects in every way. He appeared in 
public, contending first as a musician and afterwards 
in the sports of the circus. The great fire which at 
this time destroyed a great part of the city was as- 
cribed to him, but without sufficient evidence ; and the 
stories of his conduct during the conflagration are, 
doubtless, pure fictions. It was, however, necessary to 
fix the guilt on some one ; and the fittest objects ap- 
peared to be the Jews and Christians, who were perse- 
cuted without mercy, until public opinion compelled 
their safety. 

Conspiracies now arose, in which Seneca and Lucan 
were implicated ; and both were ordered to take their 
own lives. In a tour made of Greece, Nero conducted 
himself so scandalously that even Roman morals were 
shocked, and Roman patience could endure him no 
longer. The army in hither Spain revolted, and 
marched on Rome. Nero felt that he was not safe in 
the city, and fled in abject fear to the villa of a f reed- 
man, Phaon. Here, after a struggle with his horror of 
death, which was only overcome by the greater horror 
of the punishment decreed against him by the Senate, 
he put an end to his own life just in time to escape 
capture at the hands of the soldiers. Nero was thirty 
years old, and had reigned fourteen years. With him 
ended the line of the adopted sons of the Julii. 

Galba (68-69 a.d.). 

Galba had been proclaimed emperor by his soldiers, 
about two months before the death of Nero ; and the 



OTHO AND VITELLIUS. 129 

most important features of this revolution were the re- 
volt of the army, and the proclaiming of an emperor 
elsewhere than at Rome. A precedent was now formed, 
which was followed many times. 

Galba entered the city as a conqueror without much 
opposition. He soon became unpopular from his par- 
simony and austerity ; and the selection of Piso Licini- 
anus as an associate did not help matters, as he was too 
much like Galba in character. The soldiers mutinied ; 
and the new emperors were murdered the fifteenth day 
after Galba entered Rome. 



Otho (69a.d.). 

Otho, from whom Nero had taken his wife, Poppaea, 
was the leader of the insurrection against Galba, and 
was declared emperor. No sooner did the news of his 
accession reach Gaul, than Vitellius, a general of the 
army of the Rhine, revolted. Although safe in Rome, 
Otho found it necessary to march against the rebels. 
He was defeated at Bedriacum, near the junction of 
the Po and Adda, and put an end to his life, after a 
reign of three months. 

Vitellius (69 a.d.). 

Vitellius became successor to the vacant throne. He 
was coarse and brutal. His march to Rome was marked 
by great cruelty and excesses. The Romans were dis- 
gusted with him before his arrival. He was therefore 
compelled to take measures for their conciliation. 
Thus far, the revolts against the crown had been con- 
fined to the West : the East had shown but little in- 
6* i 



130 VITELLIUS. 

terest in them. Now, however, Vespasian, a lieutenant 
in Syria, began to attract attention ; and his soldiers 
declared him emperor (July 1). This made the third 
imperator who had been declared during the year (69 
a.d.). Unmindful of the threatening dangers, Vitel- 
lius, after a few concessions to the people, surrendered 
himself to the grossest debauchery ; while Vespasian, 
leaving his son Titus to continue the war in Palestine, 
took every measure to insure a speedy and successful 
march on Rome. The command of the army was in- 
trusted to Mucianus and Antonius Primus ; and the 
war was only concluded in the city itself by the capture 
of the Praetorian camp, and the death of Vitellius, who 
was murdered with every indignity (December 21, 
a.d. 69). 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

The Flavian Emperors. 

Vespasian (69-79 a.d.). 

Vespasian was absent at the Jewish war when he 
was proclaimed emperor. The Jews had undergone 
many changes of government since the death of Augus- 
tus. They had been separated from the empire, under 
native princes, and rejoined to it. Under Nero, the 
oppression of the imperial governors drove the people 
to a rebellion, which brought to the surface all the 
fanaticism and frenzy of which human nature is capable. 
On determining to seize the imperial crown, Vespasian 
left the conduct of the war to his son Titus, who, as 
soon as affairs became settled at Rome, marched at 
once on Jerusalem, and utterly destroyed it. The 
horrors of the siege were aggravated by every circum- 
stance which can make war terrible. Famine, pesti- 
lence, and the sword, discord within the walls, and the 
unsparing sword of the Romans without, made this one 
of the most awful of the calamities which stain the 
pages of history. 

The capture of Jerusalem (70 a.d.) virtually ended the 
war ; and Titus hastened to Rome to assist his father. 
An insurrection in Gaul at one time threatened serious 
complications; but it disappeared before the first ad- 
vance of the Roman forces. This rebellion was entirely 
a military movement ; for by this time Gaul had become 



132 TITUS AND DOMITIAN. 

so thoroughly Romanized that no movement to throw 
off the imperial yoke was possible among the people. 

Vespasian was active and prudent in public affairs, 
and frugal and virtuous in his private life. His reign 
of ten years was marked by peace and prosperity at 
home and abroad. 

Titus (79-81 a.d.). 

Vespasian was succeeded by his son Titus, who 
emulated the virtues of his father to such an extent 
that he was called the "darling of mankind." His 
early life had not been exemplary ; but, on his acces- 
sion to the throne, his conduct changed, to the univer- 
sal delight of his people. His peaceful reign has left 
its monuments in the ruins of the Colosseum (which had 
been begun by his father), the arch, and baths of Titus 
at Rome. It was during this reign that the cities of 
Herculaneum and Pompeii were destroyed by an erup- 
tion of Vesuvius, being covered and preserved as an 
example of the civilization and culture of the empire at 
the period of its highest grandeur. 

After a prosperous and happy reign of two years, 
Titus left his throne to his brother Domitian, who has 
been suspected of having carried off his brother by 
poison. This suspicion, however, is due to the subse- 
quent career of Domitian, rather than to any evidence 
of his guilt. 

Domitian (81-96 a.d.). 

Domitian departed entirely from the virtue and sim- 
plicity of his predecessors. While indulging in every 
luxury, he endeavored to reform the state. To support 
his extravagances, and the demands of the army, he 



NERVA AND TRAJAN. 133 

levied forced loans on the people, — a sure sign of 
weakness and misgovern in en t. He lived in constant 
dread of assassination, and oppressed and irritated all 
classes, especially the nobles. He was murdered, after 
a reign of fifteen years, during which he earned the 
hatred and contempt of his subjects by his crimes and 
inconsistencies. With Domitian, ended the line of 
Flavian emperors. He was also the last of those 
known as the Twelve Caesars. 

Neeva (96-98 a.d.). 

Domitian was succeeded by Cocceius Nerva, who 
was appointed by the Senate, and was the first emperor 
who did not owe his advancement to military force or 
influence. Nerva associated with himself M. Ulpius 
Trajan, then in command of the army on the Rhine. 
Nerva survived his elevation but sixteen months ; but 
during that time he had curbed the Praetorian guard, 
whose camp within the city gave them an almost supreme 
influence over the government, restored tranquillity to 
the people, and avoided giving offence to any, while 
conferring happiness and prosperity Qn every class. 

Trajan (98-117 a.d.). 

Nerva was succeeded by Trajan, without a murmur 
on the part of the people. The character of Trajan 
has its surest guarantee in the love and veneration of 
his subjects ; and it is said that, long afterwards, the 
highest praise which could be bestowed on a ruler was 
that he was " more fortunate than Augustus, and better 
than Trajan." Trajan was a soldier ; and, if he lacked 



134 REIGN OF HADRIAN. 

the refinements of peaceful life, he was nevertheless a 
wise and firm master. 

He added to the empire Dacia, the country included 
between the Danube and the Theiss, the Carpathians 
and the Pruth. This territory became so thoroughly 
Romanized that the language of its inhabitants to-day 
is founded on that of their conquerors of nearly eigh- 
teen centuries ago. It was in honor of his campaign 
into Dacia that Trajan erected his famous column at 
Rome, which still remains. 

After the Dacian war, Trajan remained a few years 
at Rome, where he expended vast sums in public im- 
provements ; but the money so expended was the fruit 
of his wars, not spoils forced from his subjects. The 
last two years of his reign were spent in wars against 
the Parthians and Armenians. In these he was so 
successful as to add them to the empire ; but the bond 
which held them was so loose that they fell away im- 
mediately on his death. Trajan died after a reign of 
nineteen years, during which he enjoyed almost unin- 
terrupted prosperity. 

There had been a great change in the feelings of the 
Roman people since we saw them opposing so strongly 
the admission of the Italians to citizenship, as may be 
seen from the fact that Trajan was not only not a Ro- 
man citizen, but was not even born in Italy. The 
family from which he descended had been for a long 
time settled in Spain, whither they had immigrated 
from the imperial city. 

Hadrian (117-138 a.d.). 

Trajan was succeeded by P. iElius Hadrianus, son 
of his cousin, and also a native of Spain. One of the 



REIGN OF HADRIAN. 135 

first acts of Hadrian was to relinquish the recent con- 
quests of Trajan, and to restore the old boundaries of 
the empire. The reasons of this are obvious. The ut- 
most limits had already been reached which could lend 
strength to the power of Rome, or be held in subjection 
without constant and expensive military operations. 
The people occupying the new conquests were hardy and 
warlike, scattered through a country easy of defence, 
and certain to strive continually against a foreign yoke. 

The early portion of the reign of Hadrian was full of 
labor and hardship. He was constantly busied in dif- 
ferent parts of the empire struggling to preserve the 
boundaries which had been established before Trajan, 
and in repressing rebellion. He was scarcely on the 
throne before disturbances arose everywhere. He 
visited Britain, where he curbed the inroads of the 
Caledonians, and built a fortified line of works (known 
as the Picts' Wall), extending from sea to sea. He 
made an expedition into Dacia, but found it useless to 
attempt to hold the country. Thence he was called in 
haste to Rome to quell an insurrection, which he ac- 
complished with merited severity. He was compelled 
to visit the East, where the Jews were making serious 
trouble by a revolt, and completed their dispersion by 
their overthrow. Indeed, there was scarcely a portion 
of his vast domain which did not seem to demand his 
presence, and to which he did not journey. 

On his return to Rome, Hadrian devoted himself 
to the adornment of the city. Several of his works, 
more or less complete, as his Mole, or tomb, still remain 
to us. 

Hadrian was afflicted with poor health, suffering 
much by diseases from which he could find no relief. 



136 REIGN OF HADRIAN. 

To secure a proper succession, he associated with him- 
self in the government Titus Aurelius Antoninus, and 
required him to adopt M. Annius Verus, his sister's 
son, and Lucius Verus, a child. Soon after this ar- 
rangement was made, Hadrian died (138 a.d.), and left 
the empire to Titus and his sons. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

The Antoninbs (138-192 a.d.). 
Antoninus Pius (138-161 a.d.). 

Op the new emperors, Antoninus was already fifty- 
two years old. He was a native of Gaul, and well 
earned the name by which he is universally known, 
"Pius." This title was conferred upon him by the 
Senate as a mark of affectionate respect which he had 
showed for Hadrian. Aurelius was much younger, — 
not yet twenty years old, — and was connected with 
his colleague by marriage with his daughter, Faustina. 

The Antonines ruled solely with a view to making 
their people happy ; and, with the exception of Augus- 
tus, none of the emperors are so distinguished. Frugal 
almost to parsimony in what concerned themselves, 
they were lavish in their expenditures for the benefit 
of the state. By wisdom and prudence, they succeeded 
in winning the respect and affection both of the soldiers 
and nobles, and caused the affairs of state to move so 
smoothly that their reign presents but few of the inci- 
dents of which history is made. On their accession, 
conspiracies were formed against them ; but these were 
easily quelled, and the twenty-four years of their reign 
are years of honorable and dignified tranquillity. 

Marcus Aurelius (161-180 a.d.). 

On the death of Antoninus, Marcus associated with 
himself Verus, of whom Antoninus had taken no notice 



138 MARCUS AURELIUS. 

during his reign. The troubles of Marcus began with 
his accession. The Moors had made an irruption into 
Spain ; barbarians had broken into Gaul ; the army in 
Britain had attempted to set up Statius Priscus as em- 
peror ; and the attitude of Parthia in the East was 
threatening. The eastern war was fortunately termi- 
nated ; but the returning army brought with it a pesti- 
lence, which spread devastation throughout the West. 
An insurrection on the Danube called for the greatest 
activity on the part of the empire, and was only par- 
tially settled. 

The early death of Verus (168 a.d.) released Marcus 
from a colleague who attracted attention only by his 
unfitness for his position, and relieved the emperor of 
embarrassments which might well have become his 
greatest danger. 

The remainder of his reign, however, was scarcely 
less unhappy. One of his generals revolted in the East, 
but was put to death by his own soldiers. Scarcely 
had Marcus returned to Rome, when he was called 
against the Sarmatians. Rome had now not only 
passed the age of conquest, but had outlived her ability 
to defend what she already possessed. Marcus died 
(180 a.d.) before peace was made with these barbarians, 
— a peace which was purchased from them with money, 
by his thus setting the example, so often followed in 
later times, of buying with gold what Rome lacked 
strength and courage to enforce by arms. 

Marcus Aurelius was the " Philosopher " of the em- 
pire. His tastes were quiet ; he was unassuming, and 
honestly intent on the good of his people. Their wel- 
fare drove him into active military life, full of cares 
and hardships from which he never shrank. His faults 



COMMODUS. 139 

were amiable weaknesses ; his virtues, those of a hero. 
With him ended the line of " good emperors." 



Commodus (180-192 A.D.). 

Commodus, who succeeded Marcus, was the unworthy 
son of an indulgent father. His mother was Faustina, 
daughter of Antoninus, a lady whose name has become 
even more dishonorable than she deserved on account 
of the vices of her son. 

On the death of Marcus, Commodus hastened to 
Rome, and was received by both the Senate and army 
without opposition. His character, tolerably well veiled 
before his accession, soon became apparent. He united 
the low tastes of the gladiator with a ferocity and vin- 
dictiveness almost unequalled even among the emperors 
of unhappy Rome. His sister conspired against his 
life ; but the assassin was unsuccessful. As he struck 
the blow, he said, " The Senate sends you this ; " and 
from that moment Commodus persecuted the Senate 
with unrelenting hate. Informers were highly re- 
warded ; and by their means he rid himself of the most 
distinguished members of that body. He gave the 
government into the hands of ministers so ingenious in 
their corruption, that even the patient Roman populace 
rose against them, and demanded their lives. Commo- 
dus abandoned his favorites without compunction. 
Owing to misrule, the army in Britain joined in the 
demand for their punishment ; and they paid the pen- 
alty of their crimes with their lives. 

At length, a conspiracy of his servants rid the em- 
pire of this monster, after a reign of twelve years. Ho 



140 COMMODUS. 

was the equal of Nero in his crimes, the inferior in 
every manly attribute except brute strength ; a mon- 
arch whose proudest boasts were his triumphs in the 
amphitheatre, and his ability to kill a hundred lions 
with a hundred arrows. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

Period of Military Despotism (193-306 a.d.). 

Pertinax (192-193 a.d.). 

Commodus was succeeded by Pertinax, the prefect 
of the city, an old and distinguished senator (192 a.d.). 
Pertinax was a well-meaning, conscientious statesman, 
and did what he could to restore tranquillity to the 
city. He corrected abuses, and recalled many citizens 
who had been banished under Commodus. It was his 
misfortune to have no military support with which to 
enforce his measures, and provide for his own safety. 
After a reign of three months, the Praetorian guard 
broke into revolt, and ended his reforms by his murder. 

Julianus (193 A.D.). 

The Praetorians then set the imperial crown up at 
auction, and sold it to the highest bidder. The man 
who sought to purchase the debased honors of his 
country was Didius Julianus. He enjoyed them but 
two months, when he was deposed, condemned, and 
executed. 

Septimus Severus (193-211 a.d.). 

In the mean time, several soldiers had been declared 
emperor by their respective armies. Among these was 
Septimus Severus, an African, belonging to the army 
of the Danube. Severus at once marched on Rome ; 



142 CARACALLA AND MACRINUS. 

and, at his approach, the Praetorians deserted their 
creature for the new master, making for themselves the 
best terms they could. They were disarmed, and ban- 
ished from the city. Secure of the capital, Severus 
devoted himself to subduing the other aspirants for 
the purple, which occupied his attention for three 
years. Returning to Rome, he put out of the way all 
of the senators who were unfriendly to him, and, hav- 
ing thus insured the stability of his rule, spent most of 
his time abroad. He died in Britain, where he carried 
on a considerable war against the barbarians of the 
North, after a reign of eighteen years (211 a.d.). 

Caracalla (211-217 a.d.). 

Severus left two sons, both of whom he had associated 
with himself in the government. No sooner was he 
dead than they quarrelled with each other; and the 
elder, Bassianus, better known by his nickname of 
Caracalla, murdered his brother with his own hands. 

Caracalla was one of the most bloody-minded of the 
Roman emperors ; and his name is linked by his crimes 
to those of Nero and Commodus. There was nothing 
in his character to admire or respect. The number 
of his illustrious victims is said to have amounted to 
several thousands. He spent most of his time away 
from Rome, everywhere displaying the same wanton 
cruelty. After a reign of six years, he was murdered 
by a common soldier (217 a.d.). 

Macrinus (217-218 a.d.). 

Caracalla was succeeded by Macrinus, who perished 
the next year in an attempt to reduce the pay of the 



HEL10GABALUS. 143 

soldiers. The military were the power behind the 
throne. They made and unmade the monarchs, as we 
have seen. That their pay was too large is certain; 
for it was the price of their toleration of a master. 
But they were all-powerful ; and any attempt to cur- 
tail their privileges was full of danger. 



Heliogabalus (218-222 a.d.). 

Heliogabalus, a priest of the sun, at Edessa, was next 
raised to the throne. This man had few virtues ; but 
his vices seem to have been entirely of a personal char- 
acter. He, however, carried these to such an extent 
as to disgust all his subjects. After a reign of three 
years, the Praetorians revolted, and murdered him 
(222 a.d.). 

Alexander Sevektjs (222-235 a.dj. 

Heliogabalus had associated with himself Alexander, 
who took the name of Severus, a youth, seventeen 
years of age ; and by him he was succeeded. Alex- 
ander proved one of the mildest and most virtuous of 
the Roman emperors. For a time, he was greatly influ- 
enced by his mother, a crafty woman, of much talent, 
at whose instigation some cruelties were perpetrated. 
The Praetorians soon perceived that the young empe- 
ror proposed to be master, and rebelled. Not, indeed, 
against Alexander, but against his minister, Ulpian, 
one of the most distinguished of Roman jurists. Alex- 
ander, supported by the people, in vain endeavored 
to save Ulpian, whom they put to death ; and the em- 
peror was for a time compelled to dissemble before 



144 ALEXANDER SEVERUS. 

his soldiers. Afterwards, however, the crime was 
punished. 

Alexander's reign was, at first, free from wars; so 
he was enabled to devote himself to the advancement 
of his subjects. He curbed the soldiers, and protected 
the people, releasing them from many taxes, and secured 
for them unusual tranquillity and prosperity. In the 
latter portion of his reign, he undertook a war against 
Persia, which resulted in the loss of a portion of Meso- 
potamia. Thence he was called to the Danube to resist 
the Sarmatians and Germans, when he was soon after 
murdered by his soldiers, under the lead of a gigantic 
peasant, a Thracian, named Maximinus, after a reign of 
thirteen years (235 a.d.). 

For some time, the history of Rome becomes quite 
barren. The names of her rulers have nothing of in- 
terest connected with them. The state drifted along, 
monarch after monarch rising and falling in rapid suc- 
cession, and leaving nothing but a name to tell that he 
had lived. 

In the mean time, her enemies on the frontiers were 
becoming daily more dangerous and threatening. In 
the West, the movement of the German tribes had be- 
gun, which ended in the conquests of Gaul and Britain. 
On the Danube, the Goths had made their appearance, 
and were soon found scouring both land and sea, and 
carrying off their plunder to their wild homes in the 
North. In the East, Persia had just undergone a revo- 
lution which had placed a native dynasty on the throne ; 
and was now able to regain its power and dignity, and 
to maintain an advantageous war against Rome, lasting 
many years. 



MAXIM1NUS AND THE GORDIANS. 145 

Maximinus (235-238 a.d.). 

The usurpation of Maximinus was strongly resented 
by the Senate, though it was as yet powerless to offer 
open resistance. Gordian, prefect of Africa, and his son, 
were, however, encouraged to assume the purple. They 
met with reverses in the field : the son was killed, and 
the father put an end to his own life. In encouraging 
the Gordians, the Senate had taken a step from which 
there was no retreat. On hearing of their misfortune, 
it at once placed Maximus and Balbinus on the throne 
in opposition to Maximinus, and, at the urgent demand 
of the people, added to them, as " Caesar," a third Gor- 
dian. The end came speedily. Maximinus was mur- 
dered by his guards (238 a.d.) ; and, about five months 
later, Maximus and Balbinus suffered the same fate at 
the hands of the Praetorians. 

The Gordians (238-244 a.d.). 

The Gordians (I., II., and III.) were now sole em- 
perors, and put the management of the government 
into the hands of their minister, Misitheus, who cor- 
rected considerably the manners of the court. In 242 
a.d., Gordian III. opened the gates of the temple of 
Janus for the last time in history, and marched in 
person against the Persians, over whom he gained a 
brilliant victory. He was soon after murdered by his 
soldiers, at the instigation of Philippus, an Arabian 
(244 a.d.), by whom he was succeeded. 

Philip (244-249 a.d.). 

The five years of this reign present nothing of inter- 
est, unless it be the fact that Philip has been claimed 



146 PHILIP, DECIUS, AND GALLUS. 

as a convert to Christianity, on no sufficient grounds. 
His army in Maesia revolted ; and Decius, the officer 
sent to suppress the rebellion, after defeating the pre- 
tender, placed himself at the head of the soldiers, and 
assumed the purple. Philip met them at Verona, where 
he was defeated and slain (249 a.d.). 

Decius (249-251 a.d.). 

Decius undertook the role of a reformer. He was 
of old Roman stock, and earnestly sought the restora- 
tion of the early traditions. He was soon called to 
march against the Goths, by whom he was twice de- 
feated, and finally slain. Decius was the first Roman 
emperor who fell on the field of battle (251 a.d.). 



Gallxjs (251-253 a.d.). 

The Senate at once appointed Gallus to the vacant 
throne, who obtained from the Goths a momentary 
peace for a considerable payment in money. The pur- 
chase raised a cloud of enemies against Gallus at Rome, 
and induced the Goths speedily to renew their assault 
on the empire. iEmilianus, an officer of the army of 
the Danube, headed a revolt. The emperor was as- 
sassinated ; and iEmilianus was raised by the soldiers 
to the throne thus made vacant (253 a.d.). 



iEMILIANTTS (253 A.D.). 

iEmilianus was not without a claim on the gratitude 
of the people. He had boldly attacked the Goths on 



^EMILIANUS and valerian. 147 

their last inroad, and driven them beyond the Danube. 
He was, however, allowed no time to demonstrate his 
fitness or unfitness for rule. Valerian quickly brought 
against him a powerful army from Gaul and Germany ; 
and, deserted by his own troops, JEmilianus fell, like 
his predecessor, by the hand of an assassin, after a reign 
of but three months. 



Valerian (253-259 a.d.). 

Valerianic associated with himself Gallienus ; and 
a poorer choice could scarcely have been made. The 
Franks had become very troublesome in Gaul ; and 
against them Gallienus pretended to march. He, how- 
ever, remained at Treves, leaving the conduct of the 
campaign to a general. The empire was now sorely 
beset. The Franks carried their depredations through 
Spain, and even crossed to Africa. The Alemanni (Ger- 
mans) appeared before Ravenna ; and the emperor was 
fain to purchase peace by marrying Pipa, the daughter 
of their king. The Goths were even more open and 
bold in their ravages than before. Sapor, king of 
Persia, attacked the empire on the East ; and Valerian 
hastened to oppose him. The Persians were victorious 
near Edessa (259 a.d.) ; and Valerian was captured. 
Sapor is said to have used his prisoner with every in- 
dignity, compelling Valerian to assist him in mounting 
his horse, and to perform other degrading offices, and, 
after his death, to have had his skin stuffed and hung 
in a temple. It is to these misfortunes that Valerian 
owes his greatest fame. 



148 GALLIENUS AND CLAUDIUS. 



Gallienus (259-268 a.d.). 

No effort was made by Gallienus to repair the for- 
tunes of Rome in the East ; and the Persians would 
have continued in their victorious career, but for the 
bravery of Odenathus, king of Palmyra, who took the 
title of Augustus, and defended effectually his own 
territory from the Persians. 

In every part of the empire now arose claimants to 
imperial honors, who generally looked to the complete 
sovereignty of the empire, with occasionally one more 
modest than his fellows, whose ambition did not extend 
beyond his own frontier. Of the latter class was Ode- 
nathus, who was the only one on whom Gallienus called 
for assistance, and on whom the title was legitimately 
bestowed. These usurpers are known as the Thirty- 
Tyrants, although their number was but nineteen or 
twenty. After an inaction of about six years, Gal- 
lienus marched to the Italian frontier against one of 
these aspirants (Aureolus), and was killed in a tumult 
in his own camp (268 a.d.). 

Claudius (268-270 a.d.). 

The final act of Gallienus was the nomination of 
Claudius as his successor, — a man who was able to re- 
store for a moment a share of success to the arms of 
Rome, and some dignity to her name. He gained a signal 
victory over the Goths, who had invaded the empire 
in large numbers, and destroyed their fleet. So great 
was the disaster that almost the entire body perished 
before the end of the next year. In honor of this vie- 



AURELIAN. 149 

tory, Claudius added the title of " Gothicus " to his 
name. He also concluded a treaty with the rest of the 
Goths and the Vandals, and received the Gaetae, another 
barbarous tribe, into friendship. He increased the ef- 
ficacy of the army by salutary reforms ; but was cut off 
by pestilence, after a brilliant reign of two years. 

Aurelian (270-275 a.d.). 

Claudius's successor was an Illyrian peasant, named 
Aurelian, who proved himself one of the ablest gen- 
erals of the imperial line. Aurelian defeated the 
Goths, but recognized the necessity of abandoning 
the northern bank of the Danube. He also defeated 
the Alemanni ; but, being called elsewhere, left two of 
his generals to complete their destruction. The bar- 
barians broke through the Roman lines ; and it was 
only after three bloody battles (at Placentia, Pisa, and 
Pa via) that they were finally overthrown. 

Having restored peace in the West, he marched 
against Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, who had succeeded 
to that kingdom on the death of her husband, Odena- 
thus. In this lady Aurelian found a worthy foe, one 
whose political ability was rendered more brilliant by 
her justice and courage. Defeated in the field, she 
fortified herself in Palmyra, which was taken after a 
siege, and, having rebelled, was destroyed. Zenobia 
was taken to Rome, where she graced the triumph of 
Aurelian, and was permitted to live in a private station. 

Aurelian was the first who built the walls of Rome 
in their present position. They have since been several 
times rebuilt, but on the same lines. He was engaged 
in an expedition against Persia, when he was murdered 



150 TACITUS, PROBUS, AND CAR US. 

(275 a.d.) by one of his generals. So salutary was the 
influence of the last two reigns that the empire was 
without a master for six months ; and yet there arose 
neither rebellion nor usurper. At length, the army re- 
quested the Senate to appoint a successor ; and Tacitus 
was chosen. 

Tacitus (275-276 a.d.). 

Tacitus was over seventy years old when he began 
to reign ; and five months of exertion were all his wasted 
strength permitted. He died in an expedition against 
the Alani. 

Pkobus (276-282 a.d.). 

The army now selected Probus, an Illyrian, and an 
excellent general, as their chief, who for six years 
more than sustained the now fast-fading honors of the 
Roman arms. He defeated and drove back into Ger- 
many a most formidable conjunction of barbarians, 
inflicting on them so severe a blow that one of their 
principal tribes was never heard of afterwards. He 
compelled an honorable peace from Persia ; and, after 
suppressing several revolts, finally fell by the hand of 
an assassin (282 a.d.), because the soldiers were no 
longer willing to submit to the discipline necessary 
to make them useful. 

Carus (282-283 a.d.). 

Carus, a native of Gaul, was appointed next emperor 
by the soldiers. Carus was sixty years of age, but vig- 
orous enough to signalize his accession by the defeat 
of the Sarmatians. He then marched to the East, leav- 
ing his son, Carinus, in charge of the western portion 



DIOCLETIAN. 151 

of the empire, and taking Numerian, another son, with 
him. He led his forces further than the emperors had 
previously penetrated beyond the Tigris ; but there his 
career was cut short by the dagger of Aper, one of his 
generals, or, as has been reported with much less prob- 
ability, by a stroke of lightning (a.d. 283). Nume- 
rian led back the forces of his father to a place of 
safety. In less than two years, both the sons of Carus 
had fallen ; and Diocles, or Diocletianus, had been 
placed in their stead. 

Diocletian (284-305 a.d.). 

Diocletian was a native of Dalmatia. He had been 
elected before the death of Carinus, after which he 
mounted the throne, a successful usurper, as sole and 
undisputed monarch of the Roman world. Seeing the 
necessity for a more united country and a firmer rule, 
Diocletian associated with himself, in the second year 
of his reign, Maximian, a gigantic soldier, who signal- 
ized his accession by subduing a dangerous revolt of 
the peasantry in Gaul. 

The empire had long been constantly, though slowly, 
disintegrating ; and the bonds which held it together 
were now very feeble. The war with Persia had be- 
come chronic ; the Goths threatened the frontier on the 
Danube, the Germans that on the West ; Britain re- 
volted under Carausius, and Africa under Julian ; the 
peasants of Gaul rose to relieve themselves of the dou- 
ble burden of spoliation by the enemy and taxation by 
the government. From this, we can appreciate the 
state of affairs which induced Diocletian to associate, as 
Caesars, Galerius and Constantius (a.d. 292), the former 



152 DIOCLETIAN AND MAX1MIAN. 

of whom was given charge of the East, and finally 
compelled an honorable peace from Persia, soon to be 
broken, however ; while the latter restored order to the 
West, The war in Africa occurred later; but the 
causes which made it possible were fully recognized. 

Having united the empire by multiplying its rulers, 
all. of whom worked in harmony, Diocletian introduced 
other sweeping changes into the state. Old Rome was 
dead. Her Senate had lost the last remnant of its 
respectability. Her censors, tribunes, — all the signs 
and tokens of her freedom, — were gone ; and their 
last vestige was now swept away. The crown and a 
court were adopted by each emperor, who no longer 
even pretended to regard Rome as the capital. The 
government was consolidated by centring every office 
in the crown ; and the nominally limited monarchy be- 
came unreservedly dependent on the will of its master. 
The seat of government was changed according to the 
necessities of the times or the caprice of the rulers. 
Rome was deserted by the court ; and Milan, Nicome- 
dia, or any other place which struck the fancy, or 
offered inducements to the emperor, became for the 
moment her successor. Now each emperor had his 
court and his capital ; and Rome, except in her tradi- 
tions, was but little more than a provincial town. 

The new arrangement worked miracles. As Galerius 
had succeeded in the East, and Constantius in Britain, 
so Diocletian put an end to a serious revolt in Africa, 
and Maximian drove the Germans beyond the frontier. 
Having imposed peace and good order on the world, 
Diocletian and Maximian surprised their subjects by 
resigning the purple, and withdrawing to private life 
(305 a.d.). 



EMPERORS OF ROME. 153 

Instead of allowing the two Caesars to assume the 
rank of Augusti, and to nominate each a Caesar to 
assist himself, Diocletian placed this very important 
matter in the hands of his son-in-law, Galerius. The 
choice for the East fell on an Illyrian shepherd, who 
assumed the name of Maximinus ; and for the West 
(passing over the claims of Constantine, son of Con- 
stantius), on Flavius Severus. 

The Six Emperors of Rome (306-323 a.d.). 

Constantius died at York, Britain, the year after the 
abdication ; and the army of Britain declared Constan- 
tine, his son, to be his successor. Except in the ex- 
treme West, however, the empire was ruled by Galerius 
and Severus, as Augusti, or emperors, who recognized 
Constantine only as Caesar. Rome now seized an op- 
portunity to regain her prominence, and, as the em- 
perors had chosen Nicomedia and Milan for their 
capitals, looked about for some one to oppose against 
them. The Romans were further urged to this by an 
attempt to levy taxes on them ; for, since the con- 
quest of Macedon, citizens of Rome had been exempt 
from personal taxation. 

Choice fell upon Maxentius, who, as the son of 
Maximian, and, as he had married a daughter of Ga- 
lerius, promised to meet with but little opposition. 
Maxentius was a weak, vicious prince ; but his father 
still lived to assist him. Severus marched to dethrone 
him ; and, at the request of both the Senate and the 
people, Maximian resumed the purple. Severus was 
overcome, and put to death (307 a.d.) ; and, to 
strengthen the cause of his son, Maximian visited 
7* 



154 EMPERORS OF ROME. 

Constantine, heaping upon him every honor, and giv- 
ing him his daughter in marriage. Constantine wisely 
refused to commit himself to either party. 

An invasion of Italy by Salerius was repelled ; and, 
seeing no way to impair the power of the new emperor 
of the West but by multiplying the office, he created 
Licinius emperor, and at the same time was compelled 
to recognize the right of Maximin, who had usurped 
the power in Egypt and Syria, to the same rank and 
title. Thus the Roman world was now in the hands of 
six emperors (308 a.d.), — Maximian, Maxentius, and 
Constantine in the West, and Galerius, Licinius, and 
Maximin in the East. 

This state of affairs could not continue. Maximian 
and his son quarrelled about the possession of Italy 
before affairs were fairly settled. The father escaped 
to Constantine, who was compelled to put him to death 
to prevent his seizing the entire West (310 a.d.). The 
next year, Galerius died from disease. Maxentius now 
attempted to come into collision with Constantine, 
and, failing to provoke that cautious ruler to action, 
raised an immense army to invade Gaul. His trouble 
wals that any tax which he could collect in Italy was 
insufficient to maintain him in the reckless extrava- 
gance of his career. 

Constantine moved at once on Italy ; and, after a 
series of brilliant victories, defeated Maxentius at Saxa 
Rubra, near Rome, who was drowned in attempting to 
escape from the field (312 a.d.). The family of the 
deceased emperor were all put to death by his brother- 
in-law ; but no general massacre was allowed. Licinius 
and Constantine appeared to be firm friends ; and Li- 
cinius married the sister of the western monarch, which 



EMPERORS OF ROME. 155 

might be supposed to cement their union. Licinius 
soon overcame Maximin (313 a.d.) ; and thus the six 
emperors of Rome dwindled away to two. 

Licinius abused his power by putting to death the 
children of Maximin ; but he affixed an indelible 
stain on his name, and forfeited every claim to sym- 
pathy in his own distress, by his persecutions of the 
wife and daughter of Diocletian. After driving them 
from place to place, he ordered them put to death. 

The peace between the East and the West lasted 
about a year, when a quarrel arose which enabled. Con- 
stantine to add Macedonia and Greece to his possessions. 
For about nine years nothing occurred to disturb the 
serenity of their relations ; and both seemed satisfied 
with the existing state of affairs. Constantine then 
invaded the East without provocation (323 a.d.), de- 
feated Licinius in two pitched battles, and once more 
united the government of the world in his own person. 
Licinius was soon after put to death, though he had 
surrendered all his honors to the conqueror (324 a.d.). 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

CONSTANTTSTE THE GkEAT (306-327 A.D.). 

Having attained the undivided sovereignty, Constan- 
tine determined to build for his empire a new capital, 
which should be worthy of him. He selected the site 
of Byzantium as offering the greatest advantages ; for, 
being defended on two sides by the sea and the Golden 
Horn, it could easily be made almost impregnable, 
while as a seaport its advantages were unrivalled, — a 
feature not in the least shared by Rome. The project 
was entered upon with characteristic energy ; and the 
city was built. To people it, the seat of government 
was permanently removed thither ; and every induce- 
ment was offered to immigration. The empire was now 
repartitioned and reorganized. Thus was born the 
Greek empire, destined to drag out a miserable exist- 
ence for nearly a thousand years after Rome had fallen 
a prey to the barbarians. 

The later years of his reign did not add much to the 
fame of Constantine. He became jealous of his own 
family, and hired informers to testify against them. 
Among the more illustrious of his victims were his son 
Crispus, who had shown himself in every way worthy 
to become his successor, and the empress, Fausta, 
daughter of Maximian. A bright spot in his declining 
years was the defeat of the Goths. These invaded the 



CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 157 

empire, but were repelled with all the vigor and energy 
which characterized his youth. Constantine died, after 
a reign of thirty years, in the sixty-fourth year of his 
age (337 a.d.). 

Constantine earned his title of " Great " by his mili- 
tary talents, his bravery, and his wisdom. He is en- 
titled to great credit for the uniform kindness with 
which he treated his Christian subjects. It is said that 
his mother, Helena, was a Christian, and that it was to 
her influence that this mildness was due. Very early 
in the existence of the empire the struggle between 
the religion of Christ and that of Rome had attracted 
attention. A compromise was usually made by the 
Romans after a conquest, by their adopting the gods of 
the vanquished into their own mythology, and intro- 
ducing their own gods into that of their new subjects. 
In the case of the Christians, no such arrangement was 
possible. Under several of the emperors, they suffered 
severe persecution ; and all calamities were unhesitat- 
ingly laid at their doors. Even Diocletian, at the 
instigation of Galerius, did not scruple to decree most 
violent measures against them, but with no more per- 
manent result than had followed similar action on the 
part of his predecessors. The sect had increased, and 
in the main had prospered, until now, under Constan- 
tine, we find them very powerful in the state ; and 
after him the old religion was swept away beyond the 
possibility of revival. Thus, whether the favor of Con- 
stantine was due to early training, or to the recognition 
of the certainty of the ultimate predominance of Chris- 
tianity and a desire to gain the support of an already 
powerful faction, the fact remains that, under him, the 
Christians became the dominant body, and their ad- 



158 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 

vancement did infinite credit to either his head or his 
heart. 

The great deeds of Constantine were the uniting 
of the Roman world ; the change of capital, resulting 
in the final separation of the East from the West ; and 
the establishment of Christianity as the religion of the 
state. In person, he was tall and majestic ; he was 
dexterous in all warlike accomplishments ; he was in- 
trepid in war, affable in peace ; he was patient and 
prudent in council, bold and unhesitating in action. 
He was prudent in adversity; but he did not seem 
able to bear prosperity. Ambition alone led him to 
attack the East ; and the very madness of jealousy 
marked his course after his success. He was filial in 
his affection toward his mother ; but he can scarcely be 
called affectionate who put to death his father-in-law, 
his brother-in-law, his wife, and his son. If he was 
great in his virtues, in his faults he was contemptible. 

Constantine II., Constantius, Constans 
(337-353 a.d.). 

Constantine was succeeded by his three sons, Con- 
stantine, Constantius, and Constans, who divided the 
empire among themselves. Constantius and Constans 
almost immediately went to war over the possession of 
Italy, which belonged by right to Constans. The dif- 
ficulty ended in the death' of Constantine; and for 
some time the two remaining brothers lived in har- 
mony, because the Persian war in the East occupied 
the one, while the other was satisfied with a life of 
indolence and dissipation. Constans was murdered by 
his soldiers (350 a.d.) ; and Constantius had little 



JULIAN. 159 

difficulty in uniting the empire. The eastern war was 
prosecuted with some vigor, until at length it became 
apparent that nothing could be gained by it ; and then 
peace was concluded. 

While Constantius was thus engaged, his nephew, 
Julian, was winning for himself laurels in the West by 
his energetic and successful movements against the 
Germans. In these he was so fortunate that he excited 
the jealousy of the emperor, who ordered him to Con- 
stantinople. The troops mutinied on receipt of the 
order, and compelled Julian to assume the purple, and 
to march to the East. Constantius hastened to meet 
him ; but, worn out by his cares and labors, he died on 
the way (360 a.d.), and was quietly succeeded by his 
rival. 

Julian (360-363 a.d.). 

Julian was a good soldier, and was a man calculated 
to win the love and respect of all. He had been edu- 
cated a Christian, but had been won over by the philo- 
sophers of the day, and attempted to restore the old 
religion ; thus gaining for himself the epithet of 
"Apostate." The change made by Constantine had 
given to the Christians too firm a hold in the state to 
admit of their power being shaken ; and the failure of 
Julian precluded for ever afterward any attempt at 
such a revolution. 

Julian was scarcely more successful in an invasion 
which he made into Persia. Deceived by his guides, 
he pushed far into the country ; the Persian monarch 
refusing an engagement, and retiring before him. 
When it became necessary to retreat, the rear of the 
Romans was attacked, and was saved only by the 



160 VALENTIN1AN AND VALENS. 

courage and management of Julian. He was mortally 
wounded in a surprise (363 a.d.). 

Jovian (363-364 a.d.). 

Jovian was selected on the field as the successor of 
Julian. He led the army into safety, but died before 
reaching Constantinople, after a reign of seven months. 



Valentinian and Valens (364-375 a.d.). 

After a brief interregnum, the throne was bestowed 
on Valentinian, who associated with himself his brother 
Valens ; and the empire was divided for a third time, 
and this time finally. Valens received for his share 
the East, with Constantinople as his capital. Valen- 
tinian took the West, making Milan the seat of his 
government. So completely had Rome fallen from her 
ancient position, that it is very doubtful if Valentinian 
visited the city during the twelve years of his reign. 
His time was chiefly occupied in repelling invasions of 
the barbarians into Gaul ; and he died during a cam- 
paign on the Danube (375 a.d.). Although he Was 
able for the time to repulse his enemies, he could not 
produce any permanent effect. 

Gratian (375-383 a.d.). 

Valentinian was succeeded by his eldest son, Gratian, 
who followed the footsteps of his father in discouraging 
Paganism, and increasing the spread of Christianity. 
He adopted his half-brother, Valentinian, and conferred 
upon him every honor. The reign of Gratian was quite 



MAXIMUS, VALENT1NIAN II. 161 

prosperous as regarded the frontiers, and was peaceful 
at home. It was at this time that Valens was slain in 
battle against the Goths ; but so completely were the 
two empires sundered, that Gratian, instead of attempt- 
ing to bring them under one rule, appointed Theodosius 
to the vacant throne. — 

Gratian now gave himself up to pleasure, under the 
direction of Alaric, a barbarian. His soldiers in Britain 
became dissatisfied, and mutinied under a leader named 
Maximus. 

Maximus (383-388 a.d.). 

Gratian hastened to oppose the usurper; but his 
troops refused to fight, and he was compelled to seek 
aid from Valentinian II. He was captured and put to 
death, while on his journey (383 a.d.). 

Valentinian II. (387-392 a.d.). 

Valentinian appealed to the eastern emperor; but 
the only assistance he could obtain was a guarantee 
that Maximus should not interfere with Italy, Illyrium, 
and Africa. These stipulations were observed for about 
four years, when Maximus suddenly appeared before 
Milan, which Valentinian had made his capital ; and 
he, and his mother, who was regent during his minority, 
had barely time to escape. Theodosius now moved, 
and arrayed an army of Huns, Goths, and other barba- 
rians, against the Germans and Gauls, who supported 
Maximus ; while the Romans looked on, without, ap- 
parently, taking much interest in the result. Maximus 
was overthrown and slain (388 a.d.). For three years, 
Theodosius remained in Italy, wielding the real power 



162 EUGEN1US AND HONORIUS. 

in both empires, while he permitted Valentinian to re- 
install himself in his imperial office. Shortly after his 
departure, Valentinian was assassinated by a general 
of the Franks (392 a.d.), who, however, declined to 
seize the throne, but placed on it Eugenius, a man of 
fine appearance, a scholar, and an orator. 

Eugenius (392-394 a.d.). 

Eugenius was emperor only in name ; while his offi- 
cer was the power which managed the government. 
Theodosius marched to the West to avenge the death of 
Valentinian, and to repress what might have terminated 
in a persecution of the Christians. Eugenius was taken 
prisoner and put to death, after a reign of two years 
(394 a.d.) ; and Honorius, son of Theodosius, was 
placed on the throne. 

Honorius (395-423 a.d.). 

Honorius was only six years old when he began to 
reign ; so he was placed under the care of a Vandal 
named Stilicho, to whom he was allied by marriage. 
Even in this, the last effort of the Roman empire, the 
government was made not only respectable, but formi- 
dable. The barbarians were driven from the frontiers 
on the Rhine and in Britain ; a revolt in Africa was sup- 
pressed ; and, having placed the affairs of the West in a 
state of safety, the emperor went east, and protected 
Arcadius, who had succeeded Theodosius, from the 
machinations of his enemies. His chief fame rests on 
his operations against the more dangerous hordes who 
were now bursting upon Southern Europe, and whom 
we shall shortly consider. 



VALENTINIAN III. AND MAXIMUS. 163 

Honorius was weak, vacillating, and jealous. The 
glories of his reign are those of his general, whom he 
did not scruple to put to death the moment he con- 
ceived that his throne could exist without him. 

The sack of Rome by Alaric followed; and, when 
this evil was survived, numerous contestants arose in 
different parts of the empire, each eager for a portion 
of the fabric which was now so obviously crumbling to 
pieces. Britain, as usual, took the lead ; but the usur- 
per's claims had no stability, and he was quickly sup- 
planted by another. It was not until four rivals, each 
claiming to be emperor of Rome, had disposed of each 
other, that Honorius was able to bring the West into 
subjection. In Gaul and Spain, the same restless spirit 
was shown. 

Valentinian III (423-455 a.d.). 

Honorius was succeeded, after one of the longest 
reigns of the imperial line, by Valentinian III. (423 
a.d.). His empire was but a relic of its former self. 
Gaul, Spain, and Britain were practically lost ; Illyria 
and Pannonia were in the hands of the Goths ; and 
Africa was soon after seized by the barbarians. Va- 
lentinian was fortunate in the possession of iEtius, a 
Scythian by birth, who for a time upheld the Roman 
name, winning for himself the title of "Last of the 
Romans." He was assassinated by his ungrateful 
master. 

Maximus (455 a.d.). 

A few months later, Valentinian fell by the hand of 
Maximus, a senator ; and the state was relieved of a 



164 AVITUS, RICIMER. 

monster weaker, more cruel, and more contemptible 
than even Honorius (455 a.d.). The reign of Maximus 
lasted but three months, and is included in the inva- 
sion of the Vandals. 

Avitus (455-456 a.d.). 

Maximus was followed by Avitus, a noble of Gaul ; 
but he was deposed the next year by Count Ricimer, 
and retired to Gaul, where he was soon after assassi- 
nated. 

Ricimer (457-467 a.d.). 

Ricimer was a Sueve, a man of considerable ability. 
For some time, he managed entirely the affairs of the 
empire, making and unmaking its monarchs at pleasure. 
After the removal of Avitus, ten months were allowed 
to elapse before a successor was appointed ; and then 
the crown was bestowed on a Sueve, named Majoram 
(457 a.d.). During this reign, an unsuccessful war was 
waged against the Vandals in Africa, in which the Ro- 
man fleet was destroyed off Carthage. This was made 
an excuse for compelling Majoram to resign. Ricimer 
now (461 a.d.) placed Libius Severus on the throne, still 
holding the power in his own hands. Libius was chosen 
as being too weak and forceless to interfere with the 
plans of Ricimer. An usurper was finally set up against 
him, who succeeded in holding Dalmatia for a time un- 
molested. After the death of Severus, Ricimer ruled 
under the title of Patrician, when the people demanded 
an emperor, and he gave them Anthemius, on the rec- 
ommendation of the emperor of the East. 



ANTHEMIUS AND AUGUSTULUS. 165 



Anthemius (467-472 a.d.). 

Anthemius attempted to strengthen his position by 
marrying a daughter of Ricimer; but jealousy soon 
sprung up between them. Ricimer threw off his alle- 
giance, and invited a horde of barbarians across the 
Alps, with whom he captured and sacked Rome, and 
put Anthemius to death. The name of his successor 
was Olybrius, who died before the end of the year (472 
a.d.). In the mean time, Ricimer died of a painful dis- 
order ; but his death occurred too late to benefit the 
doomed empire. Names, which appear only as names, 
now follow each other so rapidly as to be useless even 
to mark time as it passed. Glycerus, the successor of 
Olybrius, was forced to give place to Julius Nepos 
(474 a.d.), who was compelled to abdicate the fol- 
lowing year. Orestes, the leader of the barbarians, 
who made this change, placed his son on the throne 
under the name of Augustulus. The barbarians now de- 
manded a third of the land of Italy, which was refused 
them. Under the lead of Odoacer, they slew Orestes, 
and deposed his son (476 a.d.). Zeno, emperor of the 
East, was now persuaded to declare the office of em- 
peror of the West abolished, and to give the govern- 
ment of " the Diocese of Italy " to Odoacer, with the 
title of " Patrician." 



CHAPTER XXXIIL 

Invasion and Distribution of the Barbarians. . 

The sieges and captures of Rome by the barbarians 
have been arranged in a chapter by themselves, instead 
of in their chronological places in the narrative of the 
emperors, because by this plan a better idea of the opera- 
tions can be given ; and especially because a clearer 
and more distinct conception of the rise of the nations, 
which, tearing in pieces the empire of Rome, have 
made up modern Europe, can be obtained. 

The Huns, who caused the movement which over- 
turned the western empire, are supposed to have 
come originally from the eastern portion of Asia, 
where they were at one time very powerful. A series 
of defeats gave rise to defection among their tribu- 
taries, and soon after (about the time of Trajan) they 
were overthrown by a tribe of Tartars. A large body 
of the Huns then went westward, and divided into two 
branches : one occupied the country east of the Caspian 
Sea, and became known as the White Huns ; while the 
other turned towards the Volga, and received the name 
of Black Calmucks of Russia. 

The first enemy met by the Huns in Europe were 
the Alans, an Asiatic tribe, which had mingled largely 
with the Germans. The Alans were brave and war- 
like, but the march of the Huns was irresistible. The 
Alans divided into three portions : one escaped to the 



THE OSTROGOTHS. 167 

region between the Black and Caspian Seas ; another 
to Germany, whom we shall again meet; and a third 
joined the army of the Huns. The defeat of the Alans 
brought the Huns in contact with the Goths (375 
a.d.), a powerful tribe, who lived to the north of the 
Danube, and who were then ruled by a king named 
Hermanric. 

The Gothic nation consisted of two branches, the 
Ostrogoths, or eastern Goths, and Visigoths, those liv- 
ing to the west. Hermanric had recently succeeded 
in uniting these two tribes, and in compelling the kings 
of the Visigoths to abandon the royal title for that of 
Judge. He built up a large kingdom for the Ostrogoths ; 
but, on the approach of the Huns, his dependencies fell 
from him. He and his successor both lost their lives in 
attempting the defence of their people ; the Ostrogoths 
were compelled to submit to the Huns, and were 
absorbed as the Alans had been. A portion, how- 
ever, escaped southward towards the Roman empire. 

The Visigoths, under one of their judges, named 
Athanaric, at first showed signs of attempting to de- 
fend the country between the Pruth and the Danube, 
but the hideous appearance and wild shouts of the 
Huns so terrified their young men that they fled back 
upon the Danube, and besought the Romans to allow 
them to place the river between them and their enemy. 
They were allowed to cross, but were compelled to 
undergo every privation and indignity. The remnant 
of the Ostrogoths now arrived at the Danube, and they 
also desired to cross. To them permission was refused ; 
but fear of the Huns was greater than fear of the 
Romans. They seized shipping, and crossed the river, 
despite the prohibition of the empire. 



168 THE GOTHS. 

Arrived in the Roman territory, they found their 
Visigothic brethren in so sad a condition that they 
united with them to compel from Constantinople the 
decent treatment refused to their misfortunes. An 
attempt to assassinate the Gothic judges brought 
matters to a crisis. The Goths broke into open revolt, 
and, after defeating the army sent against them, burst 
into Thrace, ravaging the country as they went. It 
may be seen that, by their hesitating and perfidious 
policy, the eastern empire made for itself an enemy, 
which might easily have been converted into a strong 
ally against the Huns. 

Valens, emperor at Constantinople, sent an army 
against the Goths, but without obtaining any advan- 
tage. He now took the field in person, but was de- 
feated (378 a.d.) and wounded. He was carried to a 
hut, where he was burned to death. After attempting 
to capture both Hadrianople and Constantinople, with- 
out success, the Goths moved southward and westward 
into Greece, everywhere ravaging the country. 

Many of the Gothic youth had been received as 
hostages by the Greek (or eastern) empire, and had 
been scattered through the cities of Asia. These now 
caused much alarm, lest they should rise to assist their 
countrymen; so an order was issued for their mas- 
sacre, and on a certain day they were gathered to- 
gether, and remorselessly slaughtered. It is well to 
note the different methods employed by ancient Rome 
and by her offspring, the Greek empire, in carrying on 
wars and treating an enemy. 

Soon after the massacre of the Gothic youth, the 
western emperor appointed Theodosius " the Great " 
to the throne, which had been vacant since the death 



ALAR1C AND STILICHO. 169 

of Valens. Instead of meeting the barbarians in the 
field, Theodosius fortified strong points, whence he 
might watch the enemy, and select a favorable time 
for an attack. By means of a deserter, he surprised 
their camp and gained a complete victory. The Goths 
were now taken into the service of the empire, and 
the first chapter of the barbarian invasion of the empire 
was brought to a close. A little later, the Ostrogoths 
attempted to imitate the exploits of the Visigoths, but 
were defeated ; and the remnant of their army was 
planted in Lydia and Phrygia. 

We now meet two of the great names connected with 
the fall of Rome, — Alaric and Stilicho. Theodosius 
was succeeded by Arcadius ; and before the end of the 
year the Goths broke into open revolt, under the leader- 
ship of Alaric. Athens was ransomed ; Corinth, Argos, 
and Sparta were taken and plundered. No place was 
strong enough to offer effectual resistance. At this 
juncture, Stilicho, general of the western empire, 
hastened to the scene, and succeeded in surrounding 
the Goths. Allowing his troops to relax their disci- 
pline, Alaric burst through his lines, and escaped. The 
war was now ended by the Goths making peace with 
Constantinople ; and the pusillanimous court bestowed 
on Alaric the office of "master-general of Illyrium." 
How sincere the barbarian was in his offers of peace 
may be seen from the fact that in two years he in- 
vaded Italy (400 a.d.). 

The emperor of the West was Honorius, a man so 
weak that even the genius of Stilicho could not save 
his name with honor. His most prominent attribute 
was cowardice ; his next, wanton cruelty. No sooner 
did this ruler of men learn of the approach of Alaric 
8 



170 ALARIC. 

than he hastened to find a place of safety for himself ; 
while Stilicho should arrange for the defence of the 
empire. Troops were called from Britain, Gaul, and 
the other provinces far and near, leaving their 
places vacant and defenceless. Honorius attempted 
to escape to Gaul, but was surprised by the Gothic 
cavalry, and took refuge in Asta, a fortified town, 
where he was besieged by Alaric until the arrival 
of Stilicho, who at once laid siege to the besiegers. 
On Easter day, Stilicho attacked the Goths, and utterly 
routed them, after a severe and bloody battle. Alarie's 
officers were now ready to fall from him ; but, good 
terms being offered by Stilicho, peace was made. In 
his retreat, Alaric attempted to lay siege to Verona ; 
but he was betrayed, suffered a second defeat fully as 
serious as the first, and only escaped by the fleetness 
of his horse. It will be seen that in this contest no 
faith was kept by any party, Stilicho alone appearing 
to possess either manliness or integrity. Honorius 
now went to Rome to enjoy the honor of a triumph 
(404 a.d.). 

Rome had scarcely time to congratulate herself upon 
her escape from the Goths, when a new enemy burst 
upon her. Pushing westward, the Huns dislodged the 
northern tribes of Germany, dwelling on the Baltic, — 
the Alans, Sueves, Vandals, and Burgundians, who 
marched south, under the leadership of Radagaisus, to 
the number of about two hundred thousand fighting 
men. The safety of Italy was again intrusted to Stili- 
cho : the North was abandoned to the invaders. 

The troops were speedily recalled, conscription was 
rigorously enforced, and every measure was adopted by 
which an army could be raised ; yet barely thirty or 



THE HUNS. 171 

forty thousand men was the limit of that empire, whose 
capital alone had placed a much larger force in the 
field during the days of the republic. To these were 
added some barbarian auxiliaries, a handful to whom 
was intrusted the preservation of Rome. 

Meeting with no opposition, the army of Radagaisus 
poured into Italy. They laid siege to Florence, where 
they were detained by the obstinate bravery of its in- 
habitants until the arrival of Stilicho. As before, in 
the case of the Goths, the Romans surrounded the 
enemy with a fortified camp, and reduced them by 
hunger. In despair, the barbarians attempted to break 
through the Roman lines, but were overthrown. Rada- 
gaisus surrendered, and was beheaded, after about one- 
third of his forces had fallen in the battle. 

The survivors of the army of Radagaisus burst into 
Gaul, ravaged the lower portion of the country, and 
finally separated : one portion, the Burgundians, re- 
mained on the frontier, and gave their name to their 
possessions. There they passed through various vicis- 
situdes, — under their kings, opposing the spread of the 
Franks ; later, under their dukes, peers of the proud- 
est monarchs of Christendom, making alliances or 
waging war with Germany, France, and England ; and 
finally, after the death of Charles the Bold, passing to 
the house of Austria, as the inheritance of his daughter, 
and becoming a bone of contention between France 
and Germany. The Alans, Sueves, and Vandals pushed 
into Spain, where they established their kingdoms. 
The Alans occupied the country at the foot of the 
Pyrenees, corresponding nearly to modern Catalonia 
and Aragon. They were soon after subdued by the 
Visigoths. The Sueves settled in the north-west. 



172 DEATH OF STILICHO. 

Their territory included modern Galicia, a portion of 
Leon and Old Castile, and the states bordering on the 
Bay of Biscay. Like the Alans, they fell a prey to 
Visigoths, and were absorbed by them. The Vandals 
occupied the southern portion of Spain, whence they 
went to Africa, where they maintained themselves for 
nearly a century, — at one time powerful enough to 
capture Rome itself, as we shall see, and then being 
extinguished by the genius of Belisarius. 

Rome was now delivered from her enemy ; and the 
emperor no longer needed his general. Stilicho and 
his friends were attacked by slanderers, who persuaded 
Honorius that he was plotting for the throne. A 
wholesale slaughter of his friends ensued; and at 
length Stilicho himself was put to death at the com- 
mand of the master whose crown he had twice saved. 
With Stilicho Rome fell. 

Having murdered his general, Honorius ordered a 
massacre of his foreign troops. Those who escaped 
naturally looked to Alaric for protection, and to him 
they went. By this stroke of policy, the empire lost 
about thirty thousand of its bravest troops. Scarcely 
two months elapsed after the death of Stilicho before 
Alaric appeared again in Italy. Pillaging the cities 
which were in his way, he marched directly on Rome, 
and, sitting down before it, sought to reduce the city by 
hunger rather than to capture it by assault. Famine 
and pestilence raged in the city ; and Rome purchased 
the retreat of her enemy, as she had done that of the 
Gauls in early times. Alaric was induced to accept the 
ransom, as an early winter made it necessary for him to 
provide for his men. He offered peace to the empe- 
ror, who, though unable to make resistance, refused to 
accept it. 



PILLAGE OF ROME. 173 

The next year, Alaric appeared before Rome a second 
time, and endeavored to enforce his demands on Hono- 
rius by raising Attalus to the throne. Attalus did not 
show the ability required to maintain his position, and 
was beset with every trouble. Heraclius, prefect of 
Africa, stopped the exportation of grain to Italy, — an 
order which inflicted on Rome the evils of famine. 
The people rose. Attalus was now deposed by Alaric ; 
and his purple was sent to Honorius as a pledge of 
peace. The emperor was inexorable ; and Alaric 
marched on Rome a third time. The gates were 
opened from within ; and Rome, after the lapse of 
eight centuries, became a second time a prey to bar- 
barians (a.d. 410, August 24). 

After plundering the city for five days, the Goths 
marched out of Rome, and ravaged the country. But 
the days of Alaric were almost spent. Before the end 
of the year, he died, after a brief illness ; and, a little 
later, Rome saw his army, under the leadership of his 
brother-in-law, march into France, there to establish a 
kingdom which should reach from the Loire and the 
Rhone to the Straits of Gibraltar. They were gradu- 
ally overcome in France, and their possessions restricted 
to Spain. They were overwhelmed by the Arabs in 
their invasion of Spain, but escaped to the mountains, 
and there, preserving their religion and their race, 
handed them down to their descendants, the modern 
Spaniards. 

The Germans had been a source of constant annoyance 
to the Romans. Defeat only compelled them to return 
to their impregnable forests, whence they would issue on 
the first opportunity. When Stilicho first assumed the 
duties of master-general of the armies, he made a rapid 



174 FRANKS ESTABLISHED IN FRANCE. 

journey down the Rhine for the purpose of converting 
these troublesome enemies into friends, on whom he 
could rely for the defence of the boundaries of Gaul. 
In this he succeeded so well that, when the remains of 
the army of Radagaisus invaded the country, they were 
met by a determined resistance, which nearly proved 
fatal to the Vandalic portion of the army. From this 
time, they lived in firm friendship with Rome, main- 
taining the strictest fidelity to the empire until her 
fall. 

At length, prompted by the example of the Burgun- 
dians and Visigoths, they began a series of attempts 
to enlarge their boundaries, under their king, Clodion, 
who, in a reign of twenty-five years, established himself 
firmly in all the country from the Rhine to the Somme. 
He attempted to surprise lower Belgium, but was de- 
feated by iEtius, of whom we shall see more, and was 
compelled to retreat. Clodion returned soon after 
(447 a.d.) ; and the Franks thenceforth possessed the 
land, giving their name to the country, and establish- 
ing the present French nation in France. The death 
of Clodion left two pretenders to l}is throne; and, 
although by German custom the sons of the deceased 
monarch should have divided his possessions between 
them, both of these worthies sought to obtain the whole 
kingdom. The elder appealed to the Huns to support 
him in his pretensions ; the younger, Merovius, looked 
to Rome for aid. 

The narrative now returns to the Huns. Instead of 
uniting for the settlement of some portion of Russia or 
northern Germany, the Huns confined their operations 
to predatory excursions, scarcely recognizing any au- 
thority but their own individual wills. Their chief 



THE HUNS. 175 

seat was the country now known as Hungary, from a 
fancied connection with them of the Magyars, who oc- 
cupied it in the ninth century. The Huns were now 
ruled by two kings named Attila arid Bleda ; but Bleda 
was speedily murdered by his brother; and Attila, 
" the Scourge of God," ruled alone over their wild 
hordes. The portrait of Attila is thus painted. His 
features bore the mark of his eastern origin. He had 
a large head, a swarthy complexion, small, deep-seated 
eyes, a flat nose, a few hairs in place of a beard, broad 
shoulders, and a short, square body of nervous strength, 
though disproportioned form. This man wielded at 
will an army of, legends say, five, or even seven, hun- 
dred thousand men ; a statement to be received with 
a liberal allowance for exaggeration. 

The first operations of Attila were against the east- 
ern empire, whose armies he overthrew in the field, 
and he afterward even appeared before the walls of 
Constantinople (441. a.d.). It was to the Huns that 
the Vandals owed much of their success in Africa ; for 
the empire was obliged to recall in haste, for its own 
protection, the soldiers who had been intended for 
the chastising of that bold band of barbarians. The 
advent of Marcian to the eastern throne ended the 
sufferings of that empire at the hands of the Huns. 
By his peaceful yet firm demeanor, he so impressed 
Attila that he allowed his attentions to be diverted 
towards the West. 

It was at this time that Attila received the invitation 
of the son of Clodion to interfere in the affairs of 
Gaul. He was then threatening both empires with 
invasion ; but the prospect of an ally in Gaul, with 
an opportunity of afterwards attacking Italy from the 



176 THE HUNS. 

West, was too favorable to be neglected. The Romans 
were perfectly willing to transfer the scene of conflict 
from Italy to Gaul, where they might expect a valuable 
ally in Theocloric, king of the Visigoths. The Stilicho 
of this contest was iEtius, " the Last of the Romans," 
who had already won the confidence of his master by 
his bold operations in Gaul; and the respect of his 
adversary, to whom he was personally known, by an 
exhibition of such virtues as were most likely to win 
the esteem of a savage. 

A march of six hundred miles brought the Huns to 
the Rhine, which they crossed in the winter ; and, con- 
tinuing their progress, they sacked and burned the 
cities they found on their way. Metz fell ; but Troyes 
was saved by the courage of its bishop, St. Loup, and 
Orleans by that of Agnanus, supplemented by the 
bravery and courage of its citizens and soldiers. 

After some delay, the Visigoths decided to take part 
with the Romans ; and both armies appeared before 
Orleans, after the Huns were within the city, but in 
time to save it from plunder. Attila now began a 
cautious retreat, followed so closely by the allies that 
the Huns lost fifteen thousand men before they arrived 
at Chalons, where the great battle was fought, which 
saved, perhaps, the civilization of western Europe from a 
fate as severe as befell that of Russia, at the hands of the 
Tartars, some centuries later. Attila began the attack, 
though warned of his defeat by his soothsayers. He 
was bravely met by the Romans ; and a charge of the 
Visigoths, who had lost their king in the fight, under 
his son, the Voan Torresiend, completed the discom- 
fiture of the savages. Night alone saved the hosts of 
Attila from utter destruction (451 a.d.). 



RISE OF VENICE. 177 

iEtius refused to push the Hans to extremities, and 
permitted them to retreat, which they did in the direc- 
tion of Italy, being followed by the prudent Merovius, 
who each night lighted up the neighboring hills with 
watch-fires, until his enemy was well past the furthest 
limits of his possessions. It was this Merovius who 
gave name to the first dynasty of French monarchs, 
the Merovingians. 

For some indiscretion, Honoria, princess of the west- 
ern empire, had been banished to Constantinople. While 
there, she sent to Attila, offering herself as his bride, 
and urging him to demand her as already betrothed to 
him. At first, Attila had paid no attention to her mes- 
sage ; but the advantage of having a claim on Italy 
induced him to demand her hand of the emperor. 
The affairs in Gaul prevented immediate action on 
his receiving a refusal ; but, now these were decided, he 
marched on Italy, to enforce his demand and grow 
rich with plunder. For three weeks, Aquileia resisted 
his efforts (for, as we must have noticed, the barba- 
rians were seldom successful in the siege of a bravely 
defended walled city) ; but an unguarded portion of the 
wall was finally discovered, and Aquileia was swept 
from the face of the earth. The " Scourge " raged 
over the whole country, only sparing those who pre- 
served their lives by the surrender of their wealth. 

It was to this invasion that Venice owed its rise. 
The inhabitants who fled from the approach of the 
Huns found on the islands in the lagoons, at the head 
of the Adriatic, a harbor of safety. There they planted 
the seeds of the republic whose ships so long carried 
the commerce of the world, who maintained her liber- 
ties till within a century, and now at length, within a 

8* L 



178 DEATH OF AfTILA. 

few years, has been reunited with Italy under one gov- 
ernment, with Rome as its capital. 

Rome now sent an embassy to Attila, among whom 
was Leo the Great, who, by the promise of the hand 
of Honoria, purchased peace. Attila died soon after 
from the bursting of a blood-vessel (453 a.d.), and 
at his death the empire of the Huns ceased to exist. 
Honoria was punished for her share in the misfortunes 
of her country by marriage with an obscure husband, 
and was then condemned to perpetual imprisonment. 

The story of Stilicho is the story of iEtius. When 
the empire was safe, and the general was no longer 
necessary, he was murdered, — stabbed by the emperor 
with his own hands. By the wanton insult of one of 
his subjects, named Maximus (455 a.d., March 16), 
Valentinian lost his life. Maximus seized the throne, 
and forcibly married the empress Eudoxia. As if still 
further to insure her enmity, he confessed to her the 
murder of her husband, and she determined to rid her- 
self of her master at any cost. She could expect no 
aid from the East ; so she turned to Genseric, king of 
the Vandals, who had established themselves in Africa, 
making Carthage their capital, and were ravaging the 
coasts of the Mediterranean with a large fleet. 

Genseric was in Sicily when the message arrived, 
and at once set sail for the mouth of the Tiber. Max- 
imus attempted to escape, but was killed with stones 
by the populace (June 12). The evil had been done. 
Genseric left Ostia three days later ; the city was 
delivered into his hands on promise of sparing the 
property of the church, and for fourteen days the 
barbarians ravaged it at pleasure. Among the spoils 
taken were the sacred implements of the temple, which 



ROME AND THE CHURCH. 179 

Titus had brought from Jerusalem ; but the vessel which 
carried them was lost at sea or in the Tiber. Genseric 
left Rome, which he could not hope to hold, taking with 
him Eudoxia, the author of the disaster, and her daugh- 
ters, one of whom he married to his son. 

The rest has been told : it is only the story of the 
misrule of Count Ricimer, and the final abolishing of 
the western empire. Of the twenty-one years between 
the capture of the city by Genseric and the end of the 
empire, all but three belong to the rule of Ricimer ; and 
the condition in which he left his charge may be judged 
from its sudden death, only three years after he had 
made himself master of its capital by force. 

Rome soon after began to regain her power by means 
of the Church, of which she became the chief seat ; and 
soon we find her exercising an absolute sway over the 
monarchs of Europe, deposing them when obdurate, 
and rewarding them when obedient. A little more 
than three hundred years after the fall of the western 
empire, it was revived by the coronation of Charle- 
magne, king of France, at Rome ; and an attempt was 
made to transmit the title of emperor to his posterity. 
Charlemagne had added Germany to the kingdom of the 
Franks, and had done much to Christianize and civilize 
the country. It was soon, however, sundered from 
France ; and the imperial title passed over to Germany, 
whose monarch claimed to be the head of the Holy Ro- 
man Empire. The first Napoleon is said also to have 
had a desire to restore the western empire, with France 
as its corner-stone, but did not accomplish it. The 
western empire is now dead, and in its place we have 
the kingdom of Italy, with Rome as its capital. 

The eastern empire dragged on a miserable exist- 



180 END OF EASTERN EMPIRE. 

ence, until about thirty-eight years before the discovery 
of America by Columbus, when it was overthrown by 
the Turks, an Asiatic people, who, like the Huns, owed 
their march into the West to the victories of the 
Tartars. The dissensions of the eastern empire were 
but the partial cause of its downfall. It was utterly 
demoralized. The Arabs had taken from it all of Asia, 
the North had fallen away, Constantinople had been 
captured by the French. It fell because it was ripe, — 
over-ripe, rotten to the core ; and the Turkish empire 
by which it was succeeded is now fast fading away. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Roman Literature * 

Plautus (254-184 b.c). 

One of the earliest Roman writers was Plautus, the 
comic poet. He was born at Sarsina, in Umbria, of free 
but poor parents. He at first worked on the stage at 
Rome, but lost his savings through speculation. He 
then for some time worked in a treadmill, and after- 
wards gained his subsistence by Latin versions of Greek 
comedies, until his death. 

Twenty of his plays are extant. 

Ennius (139-69 b.c). 

Quintus Ennius gained great renown as an epic poet. 
He was born at Rudiae, served in the Roman army in 
Sardinia, and was taken to Rome by Marcus Porcius 
Cato. Here he gained a livelihood by giving instruc- 
tion in Greek. His first poem, the "Annales," relates 
the traditional Roman history, from iEneas's arrival in 
Italy down to the poet's own day. 

Terence (195-159 b.c). 

Publius Terentius (Afer), the comic poet, was a 
native of Carthage, but at an early age came to Rome, 
where he was the slave of a senator, Terentius, by 

* Taken mostly from Teuffel's " Roman Literature/' 



182 .CICERO. 

whom lie was educated like a freeman and soon lib- 
erated. He wrote six comedies, all of which are 
preserved. 

Cicero (106-43 B.C.). 

Marcus Tullius Cicero was born January 6, 106 B.C., 
at Arpinum. He was the son of a Roman knight. He 
employed every means of studying rhetoric in all 
its branches, and pleaded his first cause under Sulla's 
dictatorship. To perfect himself still further, he spent 
two years (79-77 b.c.) in Greece and Asia. He was 
afterwards Quaestor in Sicily (75 b.c), JEdilis curulis 
(72 b.c), Praetor urbanus (66 b.c ), and Consul (63 b.c). 
The Catilinarian conspiracy, which broke out during 
Cicero's consulship, was suppressed by him. In 58 b.c, 
Cicero was exiled by the first triumvirate. During his 
exile, he lived in Thessalonica and Dyrrachium. One 
year later, he was allowed to return to Rome. From 
July 51 to July 52 b.c, he was proconsul over the 
province Cilicia. 

On his return to Rome, the contention between 
Caesar and the Senate, with Pompey at its head, had 
already broken out. After some hesitation, Cicero joined 
Pompey at Dyrrachium, with whom he remained until 
the battle of Pharsalus, 48 b.c The next year Cicero 
lived at Brundisium, awaiting permission from Caesar 
to return to Rome. The next two years were spent in 
literary occupations. His Philippics, delivered against 
Antony, caused his proscription by the second trium- 
virate, and subsequent murder, December, 743 b.c 

Cicero was endowed by nature with great talents. 
But he was always under the sway of the moment, 



CICERO. 183 

and therefore little qualified to be a statesman ; yet he 
had not sufficient self-knowledge to see it. Hence the 
attempts he made to play a part in politics served only 
to lay bare his utter weakness. Thus it happened that 
he was used and then pushed aside, attracted and 
repelled, deceived by the weakness of his friends and 
the strength of his adversaries ; and at last threatened 
by both extreme parties, between which he tried to 
steer his way. 

As an orator, Cicero had a very happy natural 
talent. The extreme versatility of his mind ; his lively 
imagination ; his great sensitiveness ; his inexhaustible 
richness of expression, which was never at a loss for 
a word or tone to suit any circumstance or mood ; his 
felicitous memory ; his splendid voice and impressive 
figure, — all contributed to render him an excellent 
orator. 

But he himself did every thing to attain perfec- 
tion. Not until he had spent a long time in laborious 
study and preparation did he make his debut as 
an orator ; nor did he ever rest and think himself per- 
fect, but was always working, and never pleaded a 
cause without careful preparation. Each success was 
to him only a step to another still higher achievement ; 
and by continual meditation and study he kept himself 
fully prepared for his task. Hence he succeeded, as 
is now universally admitted, in gaining a place beside 
Demosthenes, or at all events immediatelv after him. 

There are extant fifty-seven orations of Cicero, and 
fragments of twenty more. 

In rhetoric, Cicero was a disciple of the Greeks. His 
chief writings on this subject are as follows : — 

De Inventione (an early and unripe production). 



184 c^esar. 

De Oratore, three books. 

Brutus, De Claris Oratoribus. 

Orator ad M. Brutum. 

The correspondence of Cicero was great, and furnishes 
an inexhaustible treasure of contemporaneous history. 
There are extant eight hundred and sixty-four letters 
upon both personal and political matters. 

Cicero was a lover of philosophy. His writings on 
this subject are as follows : — 

De Republica. 

De Legibus. 

De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum. 

Academica. 

Tusculanae Disputationes. 

De Natura Deorum. 

De Senectute, or Cato Major. 

De Divinatione. 

De Amicitia, or Laelius. 

De Officiis. 

C^SAE (100-44 B.C.). 

Caius Julius Caesar was born July 12, 100 B.C. As 
he was related to Marius, his life was in danger when 
Sulla was victorious. He served in Asia in 80 B.C., 
and commenced his oratorical and political career with 
charges of extortion against members of the nobility. 
He then continued his studies in Rhodes (79 B.C.), 
became Quaestor (67 b.c.) in Hispania ulterior, ^Sdile 
(65 b.c), Pontifex rnaximus (63 B.C.), Praetor (62 B.C.), 
Propraetor in Hispania ulterior (61 B.C.), Consul (59 
b.c). He was proconsul in Gaul (58-50 B.C.), which 
he subjugated and rearranged ; but at the same time he 
opened numerous resources to himself, and trained an 



NEPOS, LUCRETIUS, SALLUST. 185 

army. By means of this, he gained absolute power in 
the years 49-46 b.c. He was murdered the 15th of 
March, 44 b.c. 

Caasar possessed the most varied talents. Hardly an 
orator of his times spoke Latin so well. Of his liter- 
ary works, the most important are the " Commentarii," 
containing the history of the first seven years of the 
Gallic war, in seven books; and the history of the Civil 
war, down to the Alexandrine war, in three books. 

After Caesar's death, his nearest friends thought it 
incumbent upon them to describe also those expedi- 
tions which he had not narrated himself ; viz., his last 
year in Gaul, and the Alexandrine, African, and Span- 
ish wars. They are by three writers. Aulus Hirtius 
probably wrote the account of his last year in Gaul and 
the Alexandrine war. 

Nepos (94-24 b.c). 

Cornelius Nepos was born in Upper Italy, and was a 
friend of both Cicero and Atticus. He was a prolific 
writer ; but only a portion of one of his works, " De 
Viris Illustribus," has come down to us, which shows 
neither historical accuracy nor good style. 

Lucretius (98-55 b.c). 

Titus Lucretius Carus has left a didactic poem, " De 
Rerum Natura," in six books. The tone pervading the 
work is sad, and in many places even bitter. 

Sallust (87-34 b.c). 

Caius Sallustius Crispus, of Amiternum, has left two 
historical productions : " Catilina," or Conspiracy cf 



186 CATULLUS, VERGIL. 

Catiline ; and " Jugurtha," or the Jugurthine War. His 
style is rhetorical, and often chronologically inaccurate. 
Sallust excels in delineations of character. He took 
great pains in his composition ; and, following Thucy- 
dides as a model, he endeavored to be brief and con- 
cise, even so as to become oftentimes obscure. 

Catullus (87-47 b.c). 

Caius Valerius Catullus, of Verona, is the greatest 
lyric poet of Roman literature. One hundred and 
sixteen of his poems are preserved. 

Vergil (70-19 b.c). 

Publius Vergilius Maro was born at Andes, near 
Mantua, October 15, 70 b.c. He was educated at 
Cremona and Mediolanum. After completing his edu- 
cation, he retired to his paternal estate. In the division 
of land among the soldiers after the battle of Philippi 
(42 b.c), Vergil was deprived of his property ; but it 
was afterwards restored, at the command of Octavius. 
After this, Vergil lived partly at Rome, partly in Cam- 
pania. His health was poor. He died at Brundisium 
in his fifty-second year, September 22, 19 b.c. 

Vergil was of a childlike, innocent, and amiable dis- 
position, a good son and faithful friend, honest, and 
full of devotion to persons and ideal interests, but not 
competent to grapple with the tasks and difficulties of 
practical life. 

His extant poems are as follows : — 

1. Bucolica, ten eclogues, written in 44-42 b.c, and 
imitated and partially translated from Theocritus. 

2. Georgica, in four books, written in 37-30 b.c. 



HORACE, OVID. 187 

The first book treats of agriculture ; the second, of 
the cultivation of trees ; the third, of domestic animals ; 
and the fourth, of bees. The poem is considered the 
most perfect production of Roman art -poetry. 

3. JEneis, in twelve books, commenced 29 B.C., and 
not finished when the poet died, and published contrary 
to his express wish. The iEneid gives an account of 
the wanderings of ^Eneas from Troy to Italy, and his 
struggles in Italy to found a city for his followers, from 
whom descended the Romans. 

Horace (65-8 b.c). 

Quintus Horatius Flaccus, the poet, was born at 
Venusia, but received his education at Rome and 
Athens. Of his poems, we have four books of Odes, 
one of his Epodes, two books of Satires, two books of 
Epistles, and the Ars Poetica. 

Tibullus (54-29 B.C.). 

Albius Tibullus, an elegiac poet, celebrated in ex- 
quisitely fine poems the beauty and cruelty of his 
mistresses. 

Peopertius (49-15 b.c). * 

Sextus Propertius was a native of Umbria, but 
educated at Rome. He also is an elegiac poet, and 
treats mostly of love. 

Ovid (43 b.c-18 a.d.). 

Publius Ovidius Naso, a native of Sulmo, devoted 
himself exclusively to poetry, for which he had un- 
common talent. His writings consist of three books 



188 LIVY, PHJEDRUS, SENECA. 

of Amores ; one of the Heroides ; the Ars Amatoria ; 
Remedia Amoris ; the Metamorphoses (fifteen books) ; 
the Tristia ; the Fasti. 

LlVY (59 B.C. - 17 A.D.). 

Titus Livius, the most important prose writer of the 
Augustine period, was a native of Patavium (Padua), 
a man of rhetorical training, and who spent the greater 
part of his life at Rome. His history of Rome, from 
the foundation of the city until the death of Drusus, 
consisted of one hundred and forty-two books, of which 
only thirty-five have come down to us. 

Ph^drus. 

Phaedrus, a writer of fables, flourished in the reign 
of Tiberius (14-37 a.d.). He was originally a slave, 
brought from Thrace or Macedonia. His fables are 
ninety-seven in number, and written in Iambic verse. 

Seneca (4 b.c.- 64 a.d.). 

Lucius Annseus Seneca, among other things, wrote 
tragedies, eight in number. He was born at Corduba, 
in Spain. 

Curtius. 

Quintus Curtius Rufus wrote, during the reign of 
Claudius (41-54 a.d.), the Historiee de Rebus Gestis 
Alexandri Magni, in ten books. 

Persius (34-62 a.d.). 

Among the poets of the time of Nero, the youthful 
Aulus Persius Flaccus, of Volaterras, wrote six satires, 
which are of an obscure style, and hard to understand. 



LUC AN. PLINY, ST ATI US. 189 



Luc an (39-65 a.d.). 

Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, nephew of Seneca, was a 
fertile writer in both prose and poetry. We possess 
his Fharsalia, in ten books, an unfinished epic poem on 
the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. 



Pliny the Elder (23-79 a.d.). 

Caius Plinius Secundus, of Upper Italy, was a great 
scholar in history, grammar, rhetoric, and natural 
science. Of his writings, we possess one on Natural 
History, in thirty-seven books. 



Statius (45-96 a.d.). 

Publius Papinius Statius, of Naples, had consid- 
erable poetical genius. His largest work is the The- 
baid. He also wrote the Achilleis (unfinished) and 
the Silvae. 

Martial (42-102 a.d.). 

Marcus Valerius Martialis, from Bilbilis, in Spain, 
wrote epigrams, of which we have fifteen books. 



Quintiliak- (35-95 A.D.). 

Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, of Calagurris, in Spain, 
was educated at Rome, and a public professor of elo- 
quence in that city. He wrote a volume, in twelve 
books, on the complete training of an orator, — "De 
Institutione Oratoria." 



190 JUVENAL, TACITUS. 



Juvenal (47-130 a.d.). 

Decimus Junius Juvenalis, of Aquinum, was a 
great satirist. We have sixteen of his Satires, de- 
scribing the vices of Roman society in an eloquent 
manner. 

Tacitus (54-119 a.d.). 

Cornelius Tacitus was the great historian of this 
period. His birthplace is unknown. His works are 
as follows : — 

1. Dialogus de Oratoribus. 

2. De Vita et Moribus Julii Agricolee Liber, a bio- 
graphy of Tacitus' s father-in-law. 

3. De Moribus et Populis G-ermaniae, an ethnogra- 
phical description of the Germans. 

4. Historiae, a narrative of the events of the reigns 
of Galba, Otho, Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. 

5. Annales, a history of the reign of Tiberius, Ca- 
ligula, Claudius, and Nero. 

Pliny the Youngee (62-113 a.d.). 

Caius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, the adopted son 
of Pliny the Elder, of Comum, composed letters, of 
which we have nine books. These letters touch a large 
number of subjects, and their diction is fluent and 
smooth. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

Vle Romanje * 

Via = a public road. It was not until the time of 
the Samnite wars that the Romans felt the necessity of 
securing a safe means of communication between the 
city and their armies. 

The first great public road was the Via Appia, which 
extended at first from Rome to Capua, and was made 
in 312 b.c. 

The general construction of the Roman road was as 
follows : In the first place, two shallow trenches (sulci) 
were dug parallel to each other, marking the breadth 
of the proposed road, which was from thirteen to fif- 
teen feet. The loose earth between the trenches was 
then removed, and the excavation continued until a solid 
foundation (gremium) was reached, upon which the ma- 
terials of the road might firmly rest. If this could not 
be attained in consequence of the swampy nature of 
the ground, or from any peculiarity in the soil, a basis 
was formed artificially by driving piles (festucationes). 
Above the gremium were four distinct strata. The 
lowest was the statumen, consisting of stones not 
smaller than the hand could just grasp ; above the sta- 
tumen was the rudus, a mass of broken stones cemented 
with lime, rammed down hard, and nine inches thick. 

* From Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities. 



192 VIM ROMANCE. 

Above the rudus came the nucleus, composed of frag- 
ments of brick and pottery, the pieces being smaller 
than in the rudus, cemented with lime, and six inches 
thick. Uppermost was the pavimentum, composed 
of large polygonal blocks of the hardest stone (silex), 
irregular in form, but fitted and jointed with the 
greatest nicety, so as to present a perfectly even 
surface. 

Regular foot-paths were raised upon each side, and 
strewed with gravel. 

Stone blocks were set up at moderate intervals on 
the side of the foot-paths, in order that travellers on 
horseback might be able to mount without assistance. 
Finally, milestones were erected along the whole ex- 
tent of the great highways, marking the distances from 
Rome. 

The chief roads which issued from Rome were : — 

1. Via Appia, passing through Capua, Beneventum, 
Tarentum, and ending at Brundisium, 

2. Via Latina, passing through Aquinum, Teanum, 
and joining the Via Appia at Beneventum. 

3. Via Flaminia, the great north road. It proceeded 
nearly north of Ocriculum and Narnia, in Umbria. 
Here a branch struck off, making a sweep to the east 
through Spoletium, and joined the main trunk at Ful- 
ginia. It continued through Fanum, Flaminii, and 
Nuceria, where it again divided, one line running 
nearly straight to Fanum Fortunse, on the Adriatic ; 
while the other, diverging to Ancona, continued from 
there along the coast to Fanum Fortunae, where the two 
branches, uniting, passed on to Ariminum through Fi- 
saurum. From here, it was extended, under the name of 
Via -Emilia, and traversed the heart of Cisalpine Gaul 



VIM ROMANS. 193 

through Bononia, Mutina, Parma, Placentia (where it 
crossed the Po), to Mediolanum. 

4. Via Aurelia, the great coast road, reached the 
coast at Alsium, and followed the shore along Etruria 
and Liguria, by Genoa, as far as Forum Julii, in Gaul. 

There were numerous other smaller roads. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

Provincle.* 

Provincia (shortened form of providentia). After 
Italy had been conquered by Rome, all the countries 
added to the Roman dominions were called Provinciae. 
Sicily was the first country made a province. A con- 
quered country either received its provincial organi- 
zation from the Roman commander, whose acts re- 
quired the approval of the Senate ; or the govern- 
ment was organized by the commander, and a body 
of commissioners were appointed by the Senate out 
of their own number. The mode of dealing with a 
conquered country was not uniform. When consti- 
tuted a province, it did not become to all purposes 
an integral part of the Roman state : it retained its 
national existence, though it lost its sovereignty. At 
first, praetors were appointed to govern the pro- 
vinces ; but afterwards persons who had been praetors 
were appointed, at the expiration of their office, v 
with the title of Propraetor. In later times of the re- 
public, the consuls also, after the expiration of their 
year of office, received the government of a province, 
with the title of Proconsuls: such provinces were 
called Provinciae Consulares. The provinces were 
generally distributed by lot; but their distribution 

* From Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities. 



PROVINCIJE. 195 

was sometimes arranged by agreement among the per- 
sons entitled to them. A province was generally held 
for a year ; but the time was often prolonged. When 
a new governor arrived in his province, his predecessor 
was required to leave it within thirty days. 

The governor was assisted by two quaestors, who 
received from the Roman treasury the necessary sums 
for the administration of the province, and who also 
collected most of the taxes. 

The Roman provinces, up to the battle of Actium, 
were as follows : — 

1. Sicilia. 10. Asia, 

2. Sardinia and Corsica. 11. Cilicia. 

3. Hispania Citerior. 12. Syria. 

4. Hispania Ulterior. 13. Bithynia and Pontus. 

5. Gallia Citerior. 14. Cyprus. 

6. Gallia Narbonensis. 15. Africa. 

7. Illyricum. 16. Cyrenaica and Creta. 

8. Macedonia. 17. Numidia. 

9. Achaia. 18. Mauritania. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Legendary Rome. 

.ffineas, son of Anchises and Venus, fled from Troja, 
after its capture by the Greeks (1184 B.C.), and came to 
Italy with hrs son and a number of followers. Latin us, 
who was king of the region where iEneas landed, re- 
ceived him kindly and gave him his daughter Lavinia 
in marriage. iEneas then founded a city and named 
it Lavinium, in honor of his wife. After the death of 
iEneas, his son Ascanius became king. He transferred 
the capital to another place, and founded a new city on 
Mount Albanus, which he called Alba Longa. A num- 
ber of kings ruled in succession at Alba Longa, until 
Silvius Procas, who left two sons, Numitor and Amulius. 
Amulius, who was the younger, gave his brother the 
choice of the throne or his father's property. Numitor 
chose the property, and thus Amulius became king. 

Numitor had two children, a son and daughter. 
Amulius, fearing that they might aspire to the throne, 
had the son murdered, and made the daughter, named 
Rhea Silvia, a vestal virgin. These vestal virgins were 
not permitted to marry. She, however, became preg- 
nant by Mars, and brought forth twin-sons, whom she 
called Romulus and Remus. When Amulius discov- 
ered this, he cast Rhea into prison, and ordered the 
bovs to be thrown into the Tiber. 



LEGENDARY ROME. 197 

At this time, the Tiber had overflown its banks ; and, 
since the boys had been placed in a shallow place, the 
water, when it subsided, left them on dry land. A 
she-wolf, hearing their cries, ran to them and suckled 
them. Faustulus, a shepherd of this neighborhood, 
seeing this, took up the boys and carried them home. 

Romulus and Remus, thus saved, when they grew 
up and found out who their mother had been, killed 
Amulius and restored the kingdom to their grandfather 
Numitor. Then (753 b.c.) they founded a city upon 
Mount Aventinus, which Romulus called Rome from 
his own name. While they were surrounding this 
city with walls, Remus was killed in a quarrel with his 
brother. 

Romulus, first king of Rome (753-716 B.C.). Romulus 
found that he needed citizens to people the city ; so, 
to increase the number of citizens, he opened an asy- 
lum, to which many refugees fled. But wives were 
wanting. To supply this want, Romulus celebrated 
games, and invited the neighboring people to join in 
the celebration. When they were all busily engaged 
in looking on, the Romans suddenly rushed in and 
snatched away the virgins who were present. This 
bold robbery caused a war with the Sabines (the peo- 
ple from whom the virgins were stolen), which finally 
ended in a compromise, and a sharing of the city with 
the Sabines. ^ 

Romulus then chose a hundred senators, and called 
them Patres. He divided the people into thirty wards. 
He died in the thirty-seventh year of his reign. 

Numa Pompilius (716-673 B.C.). After the death 
of Romulus, there was an inter reign of one year. Then 
Numa Pompilius, of Cures, a city in the Sabine terri- 



198 LEGENDARY ROME. 

tory, was appointed king. He was a great law-giver, 
and also instituted many sacred rites for the purpose 
of civilizing his uncultivated subjects. He died in the 
forty-third year of his reign. 

Tullus Hostilius (673-641 B.C.). His reign was 
noted for the destruction of Alba Longa. 

Ancus Marcius (640-616 B.C.). Ancus was the 
grandson of Numa, and was like his grandfather in 
character. He conquered the Latins, enlarged the 
city, and built new walls around it. He was the first 
to build a prison. He also founded a city at the mouth 
of the Tiber, which he called Ostia. 

Lucius Tarquinius Priscus (616-578 B.C.). Tarquin 
was a native of Corinth, and had fled into Etruria; 
from there he went to Rome. At Rome, he became 
a favorite of king Ancus, and was appointed by him 
guardian of his children. Tarquin took the govern- 
ment from the sons. He increased the senators whom 
Romulus appointed by one hundred. He also carried 
on with success a great many wars, and increased 
considerably the territory of the city. He introduced 
a system of drainage, and began the capital. He was 
killed in the thirty-eighth year of his reign by the sons 
of Ancus, from whom he had snatched the kingdom. 

Servius Tullius (578-534 b.c). Servius was the 
son of a female slave, and the son-in-law of king 
Tarquin. He enlarged the city, and took a census of 
all. It was found that the city and suburbs contained 
eighty-three thousand souls. Servius was killed by his 
daughter Tullia and her husband Tarquinius Superbus, 
the son of Tarquinius Priscus. 

Lucius Tarquinius Superbus (534-510 B.C.) was ener- 
getic in war, and conquered many neighboring peoples. 



LEGENDARY ROME. 199 

He built a temple in honor of Jupiter on the Capitoline 
Hill. Soon after, Tarquin laid siege to Ardea, a city of 
the Rutulians, and captured it. 

Lucius Brutus Collatinus, and several others, now 
conspired against the king, who had violated Lucretia, 
the wife of Collatinus. They closed the gates of the 
city against him. Tarquin fled with his wife and 
children. 

A republic was then established, and two consuls 
ruled instead of one king. Tarquin made three at- 
tempts to recover the power at Rome, all unsuccessful. 
In the last attempt (508 B.C.), Porsena, king of the 
Etruscans, assisted Tarquin. The contest was decided 
by the battle of Lake Regillus. Tarquin fled to Cumae, 
and there died. 

Coriolanus was one of the heroes of Roman legend- 
ary history ; also Cincinnatus, for accounts of whom, 
see Classical Dictionary. 



200 



CHRONOLOGY. 



CHRONOLOGY. 

(The dates up to 389 B.C. are conjectural.) 
B.C. 

753. Foundation of Rome. 

753-716. Reign of Romulus. 

716-673. Reign of Numa Pompilius. 

673-641. Reign of Tullus Hostilius. 

640-616. Reign of Ancus Marcius. 

616-578. Reign of Tarquinius Priscus. 

578-534. Reign of Servius Tullius. 

534-510. Reign of Tarquinius Superbus. 

509. Establishment of the Republic. 

494. Tribuni Plebis. 

451. The Decemviri. 

389. Capture of Rome by the Gauls. 

( Laws of Licinius and Sextius, aiming to 

366. < make the Patricians and Plebeians 

( equal at Rome. 

343-341. First Samnite War. 

340-338. The Latin War. 

326-304. Second Samnite War. 

298-290. Third Samnite War. 

290. Romans the Chief People in Italy. 

274. Defeat of Pyrrhus. 

264-241. First Punic War. 

219-202. Second Punic War. 

260. Victory off Mylse by Duilius. 

241. Victory off ZEgates Insulae. 

218. Ticinus, Trebia. 

217. Trasimenus. 

216. Cannae. 





CHRONOLOGY. 201 


B.C. 


- 


207. 


Metaurus. 


202. 


Zama. 


200-160. 


The Romans conquer the East. 


150. 


The Romans conquer Spain. 


146. 


Destruction of Carthage. 


133. 


Tiberius Gracchus. 


123-121. 


Caius Gracchus. 


111-106. 


Jugurthine War. 


102. 


The Cimbri and Teutones. 


91-89. 


The Italian War. 


88-82. 


Sulla and Marius quarrel. 


74-61. 


J Cnaeus Pompeius victorious over Rome's 
( Rebels. 


58-49. 


Julius Caesar in Gaul. 


49-48. 


War between Caesar and Pompey. 


48. 


Pharsalus. 


44. 


Murder of Caesar. 


42. 


Philippi. 


31. 


Actium. 




The Empiee. 


A.D. 




30-14. 


Reign of Augustus. 


14-37. 


Reign of Tiberius. 


37-41. 


Reign of Caligula. 


41-54. 


Reign of Claudius. 


54-68. 


Reign of Nero. 


68. 


End of Julian Emperors. 


69. 


Beginning of Flavian Emperors. 


69-79. 


Reign of Vespasian. 


70. 


Destruction of Jerusalem. 


79-81. 


Reign of Titus. 


9* 





202 



CHRONOLOGY. 



A.D. 

81-96. 

98-117. 

117-138. 

138-161. 

161-180. 

180-192. 

192-284. 

284-337. 

337-476. 



Reign of Domitian. 
Reign of Trajan. 
Reign of Hadrian. 
Reign of Antoninus Pius. 
Reign of Aurelius Antoninus. 
Reign of Commodus Antoninus. 
From Pertinax to Diocletian. 
From Diocletian to Constantine's death. 
From Constantine to Romulus Augus- 
tulus. 



INDEX. 



[The numbers refer to the pages.] 



Achaean League, 67. 

Actium, battle of, 117. 

-ffidiles, 14, 17. 

iEgates Insulae, battle off, 41. 

JEmilianus, as Emperor, 146. 

JSmilius Paulus, 70. 

iEneas, legend of, 196. 

-<Equi, defeated by Cincinnatus, see 
Cincinnatus. 

^Etius, 174, 176. 

Agrarian laws, 15, 79. 

Agrigentum, capture of, 35. 

Agrippina, 126, 127. 

Alaric, 169, 170. 

Alexander the Great, 64. 

Alexander Severus, 143, 144. 

Alexandria, 109 

Alps, crossed by Hannibal, 49, 50. 

Ancus Marcius, 198. 

Anthemius, 165. 

Antiochus, 68. 

Antonini, the, 137, 138. 

Antonius, 114, 115, 116, 117 ; death 
of, 118. 

Appian Way, 192. 

Aquae Sextiae, 84. 

Ariminum, 106. 

Arsinoe, 111. 

Athens, taken by Sulla, 90 ; ran- 
somed, 169. 

Attila, 175. 

Augustus Caesar, 119, sq. 

Aurelian, 149. 

Avitus, 164. 



B. 

Barbarians, the, 166, sq. 
Beneventum, 29. 
Britain, 103. 



Brutus, D. J., 77. 

Brutus, Decimus, 113. 

Brutus, Junius, 112, 113, 116, 117. 



c. 



Caesar, C. J., refuses to divorce his 
wife, 93 ; leaves Rome. ib. ; speech 
against the killing of the conspir- 
ators, 99; chief of the Marians, 
101 ; forms the first triumvirate, 
102 ; marries his daughter Julia 
to Pompey, 102; conquests in 
Gaul and Britain, 103; crosses the 
Rubicon, 106; captures Brundi- 
sium, 107; at Pharsalus, 108; in 
Egypt, 109 ; at Zela, ib. ; at Thap- 
sus, 110 ; at Munda, ib. ; absolute 
ruler, 111 ; is murdered, 113 ; as 
a writer, 184, 185. 

Caligula, 124, 125. 

Calpurnia, 115. 

Campus Martius, 9, 114. 

Cannae, 57. 

Canuleian law, 17. 

Capua, Hannibal winters at, 58. 

Caracalla, 142. 

Carinus, 150. 

Carthage, rise of, 32 ; policy of, ib. ; 
power of, ib. ; government of, 33 ; 
1st war with Rome, 34, sq. ; 2d 
war, 47, sq. ; fall of, 75. 

Carus, 150. 

Cassius, lieutenant of Crassus, 105, 
112, 113. 

Catilina, conspiracy of, 98, sq. 

Cato the Elder, 73. 

Cato the Younger, 99. 

Catulus, 41. 

Caudine Forks, 24. 

Chaeroneia, 90. 

Cicero, M., life, character, and writ- 



204 



INDEX. 



ings, 181, sq. ; speaks for Pompey, 
97 ; against Catiline, 98, 99 ; ban- 
ishment of, 102 ; supports Octa- 
vius, 115 ; Philippics of, 116; 
murder of, ib. 

Cimbri, 83, sq. 

Cincinnatus, 199. 

Cinna, 88. 

Claudius, 126. 

Claudius Appius, 26. 

Cleopatra, 109, 117, 118. 

Clients, 8. 

Clodius, 104. 

Comitia Centuriata, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 
17, 19. 

Comitia Curiata, 8, 10, 14, 17, 19. 

Comitia Tribute, 14, 15, 17. 

Commodus, 139. 

Constans, 158. 

Constantine the Great, 156, sq. 

Constantine II., 158. 

Constantius, 158. 

Consuls, 10, 13, 14. 

Corfinium, 86. 

Crassus, 94, 96, 101, 102, 105. 

Cynoscephalag, 66. 



D. 

Dacia, 121, 134. 
Debtors, 12. 
Decemvirs, 16. 
Decius, 146- 
Dictator, 10. 
Diocletian, 151, sq. 
Domitian, 132, sq. 
Drepana, 39, 40. 
Drusus, L., 85. 
Duilius, 36. 



E. 

Egypt, Caesar in, 109. 
Ennius, 181. 
Etruscans, 4. 
Eugenius, 162. 

F. 

Fabius Maximus, 54 
Flaminian Way, 45, 192. 
Flaminius, C, 52, 53. 
Flaminius, Q., 66. 



G. 

Galba, 128. 
Galerius, 153. 
Gallienus, 148. 
Gallus, 146. 

Gaul, subjugation of, 102, 103 ; sub- 
jugation of Cisalpine, 44. 
Gauls, invade Italy, 20. 
Genseric, 178. 
Germans, 120. 
Glaucia, 85. 
Glycerius, 165. 
Gordians, the, 145. 
Goths, the, see Barbarians. 
Gracchi, the, 78, sq. 
Gratian, 160. 

Greece, conquered by Rome, 71. 
Greek pirates, 97. 



H. 

Hadrian, 134, 135. 

Hamilcar, 41, 45. 

Hannibal, son of Gisco, 34. 

Hannibal, character of, 45 ; captures 
Saguntum, 47 ; crosses the Alps, 
50; at Ticinus, 51 ; at Trebia, 
52; at Trasimenus, 53; in Pi- 
cenum, 54; at Cannae, 57; at 
Capua, 58; at Zama, 63. 

Hanno, 34, 35. 

Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, 60, 61. 

Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, 60, 
61. 

Heracleia, 28. 

Herculaneum, destruction of, 132. 

Hiero, 53. 

Honorius, 162, 169. 

Horatius, 187. 

Huns, the, 175, 176. 



I. 



Italians, 5 ; admitted to rights of 
Roman citizenship, 86. 



Janus, 120. 

Jerusalem, 97 ; destroyed, 131. 

Jovian, 160. 

Juba, 110. 



INDEX. 



205 



Jugurtha, 81, 82. 

Julia, daughter of Caesar, 102, 105 ; 

daughter of Augustus, 121. 
Julian, 159. 
Julianus, 141. 



L. 

Latins, 6, 21, 22. 

Laws, Valerio-Horatian, 17; Julian 

and Plotian, 86. 
Lepidus, 116, 117. 
Licinian Rogations, 18. 
Licinius, 154, 155. 
Livius Drusus, 85. 
Livy, 188. 
Lucan, 189. 
Lucullus, 96. 



M. 

Macedon, 64, 65, 71. 

Macrinus, 142. 

Magnesia, 68. 

Mamertines, the, 33, 34. 

Manclnus, 77. 

Manlius Torquatus, 22. 

Marius, 80 ; at Aquae Sextise, 84, 

85, 86, sq. ; death of, 88. 
Marriage of Patrician and Plebeian 

made valid, 17. 
Masinissa, 72, 73, 81. 
Massilia, 107. 
Maxentius, 153, 154. 
Maximian, 152. 
Maximmus, 145. 
Maximus, 161. 
Messana, 33. 
Metaurus, the, 62. 
Metellus Numidicus, 82, 85. 
Metellus Scipio, 110. 
Milo, 104. 
Mithridates, 89, sq. 
Mummius, 71. 
Mylae, 36. 



N. 

Navy, first Roman, 35. 
Nepos, 185. 



Nero, 127. 



Nicomede, 89. 
Numa Pompilius, 197. 
Numantia, 77. 

Numidia. see Masinissa and Jugur- 
tha. 



o. 

Octavius, see Augustus. 
Odoacer, 165. 
Orestes, 165. 
Ostia, 88, 198. 
Ostrogoths, 167. 
Otho, 129. 
Ovid, 187. 



Panormus, 39. 

Parthians, the, 105. 

Patricians, the, 8, 9, sq. 

Perseus, 70. 

Pertinax, 141. 

Pharnaces, 109. 

Pharsalus, 109. 

Philip I., 65; Pseudo, 71. 

Philip, Emperor, 145. 

Philippi, 117. 

Plautus, 181. 

Plebeians, 8, 11, 12, sq. 

Pliny the Elder, 189. 

Pliny the Younger, 190. 

Pompeii, destruction of, 132. 

Pompeius, Cn., 92 ; sent against 
Sertorius, 94 ; slays 5000 follow- 
ers of Spartacus, 95; chosen consul, 
96 ; obtains the command of the 
war against Mithridates, 97 ; con- 
quers the pirates, 97 ; is a mem- 
ber of the first triumvirate, 102 ; 
marries Julia, 102 ; conquered at 
Pharsalus, 109 ; is murdered, 109. 

Pompeius Sextus, 110. 

Porsena, 199. 

Praetor, the, 19. 

Probus, 150. 

Proconsul, 43. 

Provinciae, 194, sq. 

Punic Wars, see Carthage. 

Pydna, 70. 

Pyrrhus, 27, sq. 



206 



INDEX. 



Radagaisus, 170, sq. 
Regillus, Lake, 199. 
Regulus, 37. 
Remus, 197. 
Rhea Silvia, 196. 
Ricimer, 164. 
Roads, 191, sq. 
Romulus, 197. 
Romulus Augustulus, 165. 
Rubicon, 106. 



s. 



Sabines, the, 197- 

Saguntum, 46. 

Sallust, 185. 

Samnites, 20, sq. 

Sardinia, 43. 

Saturninus, 85. 

Scipio ^Emilianus, destroys Car- 
thage, 74, 75. 

Scipio Africanus, saves his father 
at Ticinus, 51; takes command 
in Spain, 60 ; at Zama, 63. 

Scipio Publius at Massilia, 48 ; 
wounded at Ticinus, 51 ; killed 
in Spain, 60. 

Scipio Asiatlcus, 68. 

Scipio Metellus, 110. 

Sempronius, 52. 

Seneca, 188. 

Sentium, battle of, 25. 

Sertorius, 94. 

Servius Tullius, 197. 

Sever us Alexander, 143. 

Sicilv, made a province, 43. 

Social War, 86. 

Spain, conquered, 61. 

Spartacus, 94, 95. 

Stilicho, 169, sq. 

Sulla, 82, 87, 88; in Asia Minor, 
89,90; death, 93. 



T. 

Tacitus, Emperor, 150; historian, 

190. 
Tarentum, 27, 28. 
Tarquinius Priscus, 198 ; Superbus, 

ib. 
Terence, 181. 
Teutones, 83. 
Theodosius, 161, 162. 
Tiberius, 123, 124. 
Titus, 132. 
Trajan, 133. 
Trasimenus, 53. 
Tribuni, 13, 14. 
Triumvirate, the first, 102; second, 

115. 
Tullus Hostilius, 198. 



Valens, 160, 168. 

Valentinian I., 160; II., 161; III., 

163. 
Valerian, 147. 
Vandals, 170, sq. 
Vercellae, 84. 
Vespasian, 131. 
Viae, the, 191, sq. 
Viriathus, 77. 
Visigoths, 167, sq. 
Vitellius, 129. 



X. 



Xanthippus, 38. 



Zama, 63. 
Zenobia, 149. 



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